nm1123: over the last two weeks we've been talking about [1.0] democracy [0.5] 
we've been talking about the state [0.3] as part of a series of lectures [0.4] 
on [0.6] the politics of modern society [1.2] now we move to a er er er er an 
aspect of politics which is not directly involved in the state [0.6] [0.4] but 
w-, is seeking to [0.3] influence the state [0.8] with what are called social 
movements [2.4] it's perhaps best just to [0.2] to give you some names to 
illustrate [0.2] what we're talking about [0.4] we're talking about [0.3] the 
peace movement we're talking about the woman's women's movement [0.2] we're 
talking about the socialist movement [0.3] the movement for civil rights [0.2] 
the movement for animal rights [1.5] now [0.6] there's enormous variation [0.3] 
in the form of social movements [0.5] those of you who [0.4] might be members 
of a trade union [0.2] or a political party [0.6] do you want to pick one of 
those up 
sf1124: sorry 
nm1123: [sniff] [0.3] will er [0.3] will know [0.3] that [0.2] they can take an 
extremely bureaucratic form in which [0.3] the powers of committees and whatnot 
are [0.3] closely defined [1.3] alternatively [0.3] if you've engaged in 
er [0.2] in direct action [0.3] er to stop er calves being exported [0.3] er 
alive to the continent or something like that [0.3] then you'll know [0.3] that 
er [0.4] the form of organization [0.2] is extremely loose and network based [0.
3] [1.3] so there's a great debate about how we define social movements [0.8] 
if you look in the the the textbook that we use in this course [0.4] one of the 
more disappointing chapters there [0.3] is on social movements i don't 
particularly recommend that [0.4] because it seems to me to become [0.3] er [0.
3] convoluted into a debate about [0.2] how we define a social movement [0.8] 
so to cut through all of that i use a nice straightforward definition which 
we've got here [1.6] forms of po-, popular organization [0.4] which have their 
basis outside the political system [0.5] but which seek to influence the 
political system in the direction of their cause [1.2] so we've got [0.3] the 
idea of popular organization a basis outside the political system [0.8] we've 
got secondly the idea of seeking to influence politics rather than join 
politics [0.5] and we've 
got [0.2] er [0.4] thirdly the idea of a cause [0.6] of seeking d-, a a 
movement for something [0.6] sometimes a movement against something [2.8] now 
[2.1] until [0.2] fairly recently it seemed that [0.3] one particular so-, 
social movement [0.4] the labour movement [0.2] seemed to have some [0.2] pre-
eminence [0.3] er [0.2] in er among social movements [0.2] in terms of size and 
scale [0.3] er degree of organization [0.4] er [0.3] the the labour movement 
made up of trade unions cooperative parties [0.3] er [0.4] political parties 
and all sorts of [0.2] of other [0.2] associated er [0.5] er groupings [0.2] 
seemed to have [0.2] a pre-eminence [1.5] and so i'll start my lecture by [0.3] 
talking about a theory of the labour movement [0.2] and then [0.3] er [0.4] a 
sort of lock lack of of confidence about the labour movement [0.2] which set in 
[0.3] er during the nineteen-seventies [0.5] so i'll outline a theory and then 
i'll [0.2] outline some [0.3] er scepticism from within [0.4] er the labour 
movement about that theory [0.8] and then [0.3] to conclude the lecture we'll 
move on to a different kind of theory [0.3] the theory of so-called new social 
movements [0.4] which claims [0.2] er [0.4] that [0.4] either 
the pre-eminence of the labour movement has now declined and there it's just 
one amongst many [0.4] or a more radical version of the theory [0.3] is that 
the labour movement is now [0.3] er an anachronism [0.2] and has been overtaken 
by [0.2] new social movements [2.0] okay [0.4] so let's start then with the 
classic theory of the labour movement [1.6] the source that i'm i-, going to 
use here [0.3] is er [0.2] er the accessible sourc-, source that er i've [0.2] 
introduced you to already [0.4] er Marx and Engels The Communist Manifesto [0.
7] this is a [0.2] a nice neat statement of the theory of the labour movement 
[0.4] but [0.2] what i want to stress is that this is not a particularly 
Marxist theory this is a [0.3] a theory shared [0.2] well beyond Marxism [0.2] 
within [0.2] other branches [0.2] of of the labour movement [1.9] so let's er 
just state the theory [0.2] [0.5] the first point to state about it is the idea 
of historical inevitability [0.6] the inevitability [0.3] of [0.2] A [0.3] some 
kind of movement generated within modern societies [0.9] which will lead B [0.
3] to [0.3] the demise of the the current forms of society [0.2] and the 
movement on to a new [0.2] and different and better kind of society [0.7] 
within Marxism [0.3] the idea of a shift from [0.4] capitalism to communism [0.
4] and that [0.2] being linked not just to [0.3] something which was [0.3] good 
about communism [0.2] but also the [0.2] the workings the mechanisms [0.2] of 
capitalist society [0.3] in Marx's famous phrase [0.3] would generate [0.2] the 
gravediggers of the capitalist system [1.2] the labour movement is precisely 
that gravedigger [0.5] that out of capitalism [0.2] would come a mechanism of 
change [0.2] which would lead on to a different kind of society [2.7] secondly 
let's talk about [0.2] the process [0.2] of labour movement growth [0.8] the 
idea is [0.4] that the labour movement [0.3] grows out of the everyday 
experience of people in modern society [0.4] the everyday experience of the 
deprivations of work poverty [0.3] problems with housing dah-di-dah-di-dah [1.
8] but that that would grow in three different ways [1.4] first of all 
spatially [1.7] it would grow from [0.7] groups of workers coming together in a 
workplace and thinking [0.2] we're being done here we're being [0.2] er 
exploited 
here and they got together t-, [0.2] er [0.2] [0.3] t-, er at the workplace 
level [0.3] and and tried to do something about it [0.4] but it moved from that 
level [0.2] spatially [0.3] to the idea of the regional trade union and then 
the national trade union [0.2] and then international workers [0.4] so the idea 
is [0.2] that spatially [0.3] the labour movement grows from everyday 
experience [0.2] of problems in in [0.2] capitalist society [0.5] into [0.2] a 
[0.3] national and indeed international movement [1.6] secondly [0.3] the idea 
of er [0.8] of organizational expansion [1.1] [0.2] again the idea is that er 
[0.3] everyday experience [0.2] would lead to the [0.2] the formation of [0.3] 
trade unions [0.2] trade unions would grow into a national movement [0.2] they 
would then grow into a political movement or merge with a political movement [0.
4] and [0.2] that would lead to er [0.2] er a mechanism for change [0.6] so 
organizationally there's that idea [0.2] of expansion [0.2] out of everyday 
experience [1.2] and then thirdly at the level of the individual [0.7] the idea 
is that [0.3] people's moans and groans [0.3] would er [0.4] m-, er move on 
from moaning and groaning about your 
particular boss or your particular supervisor [0.4] er to thinking [0.2] well 
it's not just me that has this problem [0.6] i'm in the same boat as other 
people [0.9] we all form part of [0.4] first of all the trade [0.8] or the 
industry [0.4] and then the penny drops in [0.4] according to the theory [0.2] 
we're all [0.4] part of a class [0.6] [0.3] er and the labour movement [0.3] er 
is based upon the idea of class solidarity [2.2] so that's the second aspect of 
the theory [0.8] that er [0.3] out of everyday experience in these different 
ways [0.3] a movement would be generated [0.3] er [0.4] er which was large-
scale [0.5] er in terms of space [0.2] in terms of organization [0.3] and in 
terms of aspiration of individuals [0.3] from just [0.2] solving everyday 
problems [0.2] to looking forward [0.3] to a new form of society [2.2] and then 
the third thing about the theory [0.3] [0.8] is its politics [1.8] the claim is 
that the labour movement [0.2] is confrontational [0.6] it is not just a 
movement which seeks to enter politics on the same terms [0.2] of as what are 
called bourgeois parties [0.7] rather [0.3] it is a [0.5] er a political 
movement that seeks to enter the 
political arena [0.2] to confront that political arena [0.3] and move beyond it 
[0.3] to a different kind of society [0.9] the labour movement [0.3] er [0.3] 
er has an aspiration to m-, to er [0.2] to change society [0.2] in fundamental 
ways [2.4] so [0.5] that [0.2] is [0.4] or those are the [0.4] main [0.3] 
elements of the theory [0.5] [0.6] we'll see if i can get this [2.8] lined up 
[1.6] so [0.6] that's the theory then what about the experience [0.2] of [0.2] 
th-, [0.2] er th-, the labour movement and its history [1.9] well prior to the 
First World War prior to nineteen-fourteen [0.6] that's that theory seemed to 
be working out very well [0.5] [0.8] if we take a [0.4] er [0.5] the ec-, ec-, 
example of [0.2] both the United States and Europe [0.7] then [0.6] workers' 
movements did seem to be [0.2] developing [0.2] spatially [0.2] 
organizationally and in terms of class consciousness [0.6] [0.5] trade union 
movements had grown had become united as movements [0.3] and had [0.2] linked 
up with [0.2] socialist movements [0.2] and formed political parties [0.3] 
which were entering the political arena [0.3] in Germany [0.3] er for example 
in the [0.2] Social 
Democratic Party [0.6] on a specific platform [0.5] that we are not here to 
collaborate with you our oppressors [0.2] we are here to get rid of you [2.8] 
so [0.2] up until nineteen-fourteen the the-, the the theory seemed to be 
working [0.9] but from [0.5] the First World War [0.4] the theory went wrong [0.
8] experience departed from [0.2] the theory [1.4] it went wrong in two 
different ways [0.3] [0.9] first of all [0.8] there was a divergence [0.4] in 
the i-, in [0.3] er [0.4] in the form of the labour movement [1.3] the labour 
movement took two [0.2] different routes [0.9] the first route [0.4] 
exemplified by [0.3] the nineteen-seventeen revolution and the formation of the 
Soviet Union [0.6] was the Communist Party route [1.0] that [0.2] route [0.5] 
er saw confrontational politics [0.2] as based upon [0.2] a c-, a violent 
confrontation with the state [0.3] violent revolution [0.5] the taking [0.3] 
power [0.3] taking of power [0.4] through the state [0.3] and the imposition of 
a social blueprint [0.3] of a communist society [1.5] so that was one route 
forward [0.3] that actually happened [2.0] but secondly [0.4] there is a second 
route forward again which actually happened [0.8] what 
i'll call the social democratic route [1.6] [2.6] everyone turned the page 
[laugh] [0.5] [cough] [0.4] within [0.5] er [0.5] Western Europe [0.9] violent 
revolution did not occur [0.5] but by the exp-, ex-, [0.2] expansion of the 
franchise [0.4] and the formation of social democratic parties [0.2] such as 
the Labour Party in Britain [0.3] Social Democratic Party in Germany [0.4] er 
not [0.2] not so clear in in France but similarly in in Sweden a-, again the 
Social Democratic Party [0.7] what one had [0.3] was er a route forward [0.2] a 
route forward for the labour movement [0.4] not based upon overthrow of the 
state [0.3] but the use of [0.4] er electoral power [0.4] to gain access to the 
state [0.3] and the [0.2] and the [0.3] proclamation [0.2] that that access 
could use [0.3] er [0.4] parliamentary strength [0.3] political strength [0.3] 
to fundamentally change [0.2] capitalist societies [1.8] so that was the first 
thing that went wrong the theory didn't predict some kind of [0.2] divergence 
along these two [0.3] er [0.2] very different paths [1.5] then the second thing 
that went wrong with the theory [0.8] was that in each of these two different 
cases [1.5] the more that [1.2] 
either [1.0] form of political expression [0.9] became successful [0.7] in 
inverted commas [0.6] the more it seemed to depart [0.2] from the ideals of 
socialism [1.6] so in the Soviet Union [1.3] the longer the experience of the 
er of the Soviet system [0.3] er [0.2] [0.3] er [0.2] went on [0.8] the more it 
seemed [0.3] that the Soviet Union became an increa-, increasingly [0.2] 
bureaucratized [0.3] increasingly [0.3] totalitarian [0.3] increasingly [0.3] 
er militaristic society [0.5] in which the experience of workers [0.2] seemed 
to be [0.2] little different [0.2] to the experience of workers under 
capitalism [1.8] so [1.5] the greater the power [0.2] of the the Communist 
Party in the Soviet Union [0.2] the greater [0.2] seemed to be the 
disillusionment in terms of the er [0.3] the c-, the criterion of achieving a 
socialist society [1.3] similarly if we look at the second road [0.5] sometimes 
called the parliamentary road to er [0.3] to socialism [0.7] via social 
democratic parties [0.7] again the more successful these parties [0.2] became 
[0.4] the more [0.3] they seemed to depart from socialism [0.5] in this 
particular case what we're talking about is [0.3] the more 
that social democratic parties [0.5] er gained [0.4] political power and used 
political power [0.4] the more they seemed to be [0.2] not [0.3] doing away 
with so w-, with capitalism [0.4] but depending upon capitalism [0.8] the 
classic case i suppose will be Sweden [0.9] in which from the nineteen-thirties 
through to the nineteen-seventies [0.3] you had a [0.3] er a permanent er [0.5] 
er [0.2] er social democratic government [0.5] and yet [0.3] er the great [0.4] 
er [0.4] er [0.4] er [0.2] capitalist firms of er of Sweden Volvo [0.2] 
Ericsson [0.5] er there's one other [0.8] make they make er [0.2] hoovers and 
and [0.8] 
sm1125: Electrolux 
nm1123: Electrolux [laughter] er [0.2] those three er [0.3] er international 
firms [0.4] er [0.3] seem to be er [0.2] er strengthened under Swedish er [0.2] 
socialism [0.2] rather than [0.3] er [0.2] un-, bu-, rather than overthrown by 
a socialist government [1.7] [1.7] so [0.4] we have this er [0.3] dilemma then 
[0.6] the theory seemed to work [0.7] up until [0.3] it actually seemed to be 
coming to er [0.2] to success [0.2] in which [0.3] er [1.2] political parties 
from the labour movement [0.3] put it into practice this theory [0.2] actually 
came into power [0.3] then it all seemed to go wrong [0.2] whichever of 
these two routes we looked at [1.7] so [0.5] why [2.7] well just as a [0.3] as 
a er a little introduction to this [0.5] this theory of the labour movement 
that i've been putting forward [0.3] has been criticized [0.2] i-, in many ways 
[1.1] right from the start it's been criticized by [0.5] without the labour 
movement from wou-, outside the labour movement by what are often [0.2] 
referred to from within [0.3] as [0.2] bourgeois theories [0.9] some of you 
will be becoming aware of the work of Max Weber [0.7] er [0.4] Max Weber [0.3] 
er [0.4] er Max Weber's work has often been er desc-, d-, des-, described as [0.
3] a debate with the ghost of Marx a putting forward of an alternative theory 
of society [0.3] to that [0.2] developed by Marxism [1.2] pick up one of those 
[0.5] [2.4] another example will be Karl Popper [0.3] er well known [0.5] er 
well [0.2] Austrian by origin but er [0.3] er f-, [0.2] for many years British 
based er [0.2] philosopher [0.4] who wrote a book [0.4] er called The Poverty 
of Historicism [0.3] being a critique of Marxism [0.7] another example is 
Hayek's book [0.3] The er [0.2] Roads to Freedom [0.4] [0.5] now these are [0.
4] er [0.2] critiques of er [0.3] this theory of the labour 
movement [0.2] from outside the labour movement [1.3] and secondly there've 
been [0.4] debates within the labour movement [0.3] er [1.0] what i put down 
here [0.3] debates within these assumptions of the labour movement about quite 
[0.2] how to er [0.2] er how to advance the the er [0.4] interests of the 
movement [1.1] but from [0.9] around nineteen-seventy [2.2] what started to 
emerge [1.5] were critiques of the labour movement [0.7] so to speak [0.2] from 
within [0.3] looking at those [1.0] basic propositions that i outlined at the 
beginning of the talk [0.4] and saying [0.3] well [0.3] there's something wrong 
with them [0.6] [0.5] and what i'll do now is now to er [0.3] is to look at [0.
2] three examples [0.2] of such critiques of the labour movement [0.3] which 
were generated from within that labour movement [0.6] er [0.2] i think all 
three authors [0.3] er [0.5] are [0.4] politically associated with the left [0.
7] er Eric Hobsbawm [0.3] until at least very recently maintained his 
membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain [0.5] er André Gorz [0.3] 
was a member of the French 
Communist Party [0.3] er to i'm not sure about Adam Przeworski's er [0.2] 
political allegiances but the [0.3] his book is clearly [0.2] from the left [0.
4] but these [0.7] er [0.8] left wing or-, or-, oriented authors [0.8] er 
mounted [0.2] critiques of this theory of the labour movement [1.0] so let me 
try to [0.4] er [1.5] take you through the basic ideas in these critiques [1.8] 
Hobsbawm's er [0.5] er [0.3] paper [0.4] The Forward March of Labour Halted [0.
5] question mark [0.4] has the forward m-, [0.2] march of labour halted [0.6] 
was er [0.4] first published in nineteen-seventy-eight [0.8] and [0.4] it er [1.
0] was offered [0.2] as er [0.4] the Marx memorial lecture [0.6] first of all 
[0.4] so that it very much [0.2] epitomized this idea [0.3] of er a critique 
from within [1.4] it puts forward two basic propositions [1.5] first of all [0.
6] it puts forward the idea [0.6] [0.3] that up until [0.4] around nineteen-
fifty [1.0] the trend of development [0.3] of the labour movement [0.2] was 
toward [0.3] the greater [0.5] er homogeneity [0.2] of the working class [1.5] 
in terms of [0.5] work experience in terms of lifestyle [0.3] in terms of [0.2] 
political awareness [0.6] the proposition is fut [0.2] put 
forward by er [0.4] by [0.5] Hobsbawm [0.3] that there was an increasing what 
he called proletarianization [0.3] of working class life [2.0] in support of 
that he m-, he makes the point [0.4] that most [0.4] most workers [0.2] up to 
that time [0.2] were increasingly [0.2] male [1.1] increasingly [0.3] manual [3.
6] mm [0.2] there's another characteristic and i can't just think [0.2] we'll 
just leave it at male and manual [0.2] [1.3] ah white is the other criterion [0.
3] [laugh] [0.2] most [0.4] most [0.3] workers were white [0.4] male and manual 
workers [1.9] and based upon that [0.2] the experience of work and of their of 
these [0.3] these people's families [1.4] Hobsbawm claims that there was a [0.
2] a trend towards [0.2] what he calls [0.2] the [0.3] er this 
proletarianization of life a common experience of life [2.2] now from around 
nineteen-fifty he claims that that common experience [0.4] has [0.4] changed 
direction [0.6] towards a greater [0.2] heterogeneity [0.2] of experience [1.6] 
and he puts forward [0.3] the claim that the workforce has become inclease-, 
increasingly differentiated [0.3] rather than [0.2] focused upon [0.2] white [0.
3] male [0.2] manual workers [0.6] we have [0.5] er in European countries [0.3] 
er the growth of a discriminated minority [0.3] of [0.2] ethnic minority 
workers [0.5] we have the growth [0.3] during this period [0.2] of [0.2] female 
workers [0.6] and we have the growth [0.3] of [0.3] er white-collar workers [1.
5] and Hobsbawm claims [0.3] that that [0.2] has [0.2] er broken away from this 
trend towards [0.5] er a common experience towards a differentiation of 
experience [3.2] his second idea [0.5] is about [0.5] labour labour movement 
leadership [1.4] now there have always been [0.2] differences [0.2] and [0.2] 
er [0.3] conflicts within the labour movement [0.6] for example [0.3] er [1.0] 
er throughout the nineteenth century and throughout the first half of the 
twentieth century [0.5] the division between skilled workers and unskilled 
workers [0.2] has been a fundamental source of [0.3] of er of tension [0.2] 
within the labour movement [0.5] with er [0.2] skilled workers in particular [0.
2] attempting to defend their privileges [0.2] as much against unskilled 
workers [0.2] as against their employers [1.2] however [0.7] Hobsbawm wants to 
argue [0.2] that although there were these tensions and these differences [1.2] 
the [0.3] skilled elite of the labour movement [0.3] up until 
around nineteen-fifty if you like the privileged er [0.2] sections of the 
labour movement [0.2] did provide [0.3] er [0.2] a political leadership for the 
[0.3] for the movement as a whole [1.2] we could take for example [0.3] the 
issue of pensions pensions for old people [1.8] during the nineteenth century 
up until [0.3] er nineteen-o-nine [0.5] er [0.2] privileged skilled workers [0.
2] developed a form of pension provision for themselves their friendly 
societies [0.4] whereby [0.2] they put subscriptions in during their working 
life and then were entitled to take [0.3] er benefits out when they are retired 
[2.0] now this was very much a privilege of skilled workers a great advantage 
[0.4] but it did not stop [0.4] er [0.2] the same skilled workers [0.2] being 
at the er [0.2] in the vanguard [0.3] of a movement to for [0.2] for the state 
to intervene with a some kind of national scheme of pension provision for the 
elderly [1.5] so that [0.5] [1.1] indicates the the idea [0.3] that [0.3] er [0.
9] prior to nineteen-fifty [0.5] in Hobsbawm's view [0.3] a labour elite 
provided [0.3] a [0.2] class leadership for [0.2] the working class as a whole 
[2.1] again 
his claim is that [0.4] after that time [0.2] he's not [0.3] precise you can't 
[0.6] put d-, this down to a particular date October the fourteenth nineteen-
forty-nine or something [0.3] but from around that sort of time [0.6] he sees 
[0.3] er [0.3] the [0.4] privileged sections [0.2] of the labour movement [0.2] 
not as providing leadership [0.3] [0.2] but as entering into [0.3] er [0.3] an 
internal competition with other groups in the labour movement particularly [0.
2] over wages [1.0] so the privileged groups of the period from nineteen-fifty 
t-, [0.2] through to the nineteen-seventies [0.5] in particular mine workers [0.
5] er car workers [0.6] transport workers [0.4] er those three groups in 
particular [1.0] Hobsbawm sees [0.2] as not providing [0.3] leadership [0.3] 
but [0.2] h-, he sees them as entering into a sectional competition [0.3] to 
keep ahead in the wages league [1.2] [0.8] so [0.3] this is [0.3] Hobsbawm's 
analysis [0.5] that until [0.5] up until [0.4] the period just after the [0.3] 
Second World War [0.6] this trend towards [0.3] homogeneity this trend towards 
[0.3] forward movement led by the privileged section of the working class [0.3] 
switches into [0.5] a trend towards 
heterogeneity of the working class [0.3] and secondly [0.2] sectional 
competition within it [1.0] that was [0.3] er [0.2] Hobsbawm's analysis [0.2] 
which clearly [0.3] means [0.2] that the labour movement is not going to be 
this [0.2] force for er [0.3] political change [0.3] er that er the theory [0.
4] er er [0.2] claimed [3.1] m-, moving on to my my second example of this kind 
of theory [0.3] er André Gorz's book [0.3] Farewell to the Working Class again 
the title [0.3] gives the game away [0.3] this is say this is Gorz [0.5] as i 
said earlier a member of the French Communist Party [0.4] er [0.3] saying [0.3] 
the working class [0.3] thing of the past [0.3] bye bye [0.3] [1.0] his 
analysis is based upon again [0.3] er [0.2] an analysis of the [0.2] trend of 
development [0.2] of the post-war working class [0.7] and he sees the the 
working class as marked by [0.2] a basic division [1.1] the division goes along 
these lines [0.4] [1.3] on the one hand we have those workers who had become [0.
3] locked into [0.3] the large work organization [0.5] the large private 
company [0.2] the large public company [0.9] or pub-, public organization [1.1] 
a bank would be a nice example [0.8] large employer [0.5] lots of er [0.2] er 
in many 
ways proletarianized workers [0.4] [0.3] but [0.4] each of those workers [0.3] 
is becomes a cog [0.3] in a complex bureaucratic system [2.5] now [0.3] at this 
point [1.5] er Gorz introduces a contrast between [0.4] er [0.6] such [0.2] 
cogs in a bureaucratic machine [0.3] and [0.5] the skilled craftworker [0.8] 
his idea is that [0.3] if you work in a bank or a hospital [0.2] or a large [0.
4] er private company [0.4] then you become [0.2] extremely skilled [0.8] but 
what you become skilled in [0.3] is operating in that kind of environment [0.5] 
it's as if we take [0.3] er [0.2] say a radiogra-, radiographer [0.2] in a 
hospital [0.7] a very skilled job [0.6] but a radiographer [0.4] needs [0.2] 
skills in operating a particular machinery the X-may X-ray machines [0.2] but 
also [0.2] in coordinating [0.3] with [0.2] all kinds of departments of a 
hospital [0.2] and other [0.3] er professionals and semi-professionals in the 
hospital [1.3] skill does not mean [0.2] that [0.6] you can start from [0.2] 
some basic raw materials [0.2] and finish up with some [0.5] er [0.3] finished 
[0.4] er product [0.6] now this is the er the contrast with the the craftworker 
[0.6] the idea was [0.3] in the past [0.3] let's say a carpenter [0.3] could 
start 
with some pieces of wood [0.3] and finish up with [0.3] er [0.3] a er [0.4] er 
er a beautiful object of furniture [2.2] now [1.1] Gorz claims that if you're a 
craftworker [0.5] you can see all the processes of production [0.7] and you can 
also see how it's possible [0.3] to do it all yourself or in collaboration with 
other workers [0.8] in other words it's possible to do it outside the 
organization [0.2] and outside [0.3] the [0.3] the control of capital [2.9] his 
idea is that if you're a radiographer [0.6] how can you possibly [0.2] do that 
job [0.2] outside of the hospital [0.9] or if you are are a er [0.4] er some [0.
2] kind of [0.3] of skilled operator within a car plant let's say operating [0.
3] er one of these hugely expensive er [0.3] er ro-, [0.8] automated machines 
[0.3] how can you possibly do that outside [0.3] the the the the organization 
of the er of the car plant [0.8] so the idea is that these [0.4] these er [0.2] 
this half of the working class is locked into [0.5] a form of organization [0.
2] in which in a sense [0.3] they're in a rut and they can't see out of the 
edge of the rut [0.5] there's no perspective [0.3] onto alternative forms [0.3] 
of organization [3.7] 
so that's one half of er of Gorz's analysis [0.3] the other half is about the 
other half of the working class [0.5] who [1.5] Gorz calls the non-class of non-
workers [0.2] [laugh] [0.5] [0.3] the people here he's referring to here [0.3] 
are people who hold [0.3] temporary jobs [0.4] people who are [0.3] at the 
margins of the labour market in terms of [0.4] er [0.4] frequent experiences of 
unemployment and then short term employment [0.5] people who are [0.3] er 
depend for [0.2] much of their working life upon benefits [1.3] he claims that 
[0.4] the working class has been split between er organizational workers [0.4] 
that i talked about a moment ago [0.3] and [0.3] these [0.3] non-class of non-
workers [0.6] what does he mean by non-workers [0.6] he means they're non-
workers in the sense that [0.4] work does not become part of individual 
identity [0.7] people d-, don't become [0.3] miners [0.6] or [0.2] carpenters 
or radiographers [0.6] because [0.4] one year they might be picking fruit [0.3] 
er er during the summer [0.4] er that then the next summer [0.2] they might be 
er [0.3] er working as a coach hostess [0.2] on Harry Shaw's trips to the er [0.
3] er to the Mediterranean [0.6] er [0.6] and that's [0.2] 
taken from a particular [0.2] interview i had with er [0.3] [laugh] [0.2] with 
[0.3] a a a non-worker who was flitted from one kind of work to another so [0.
3] that notion of occupational identity who i am in work terms [0.3] doesn't 
develop [0.7] and secondly [0.3] this is a non-class of non-workers [0.5] 
because [0.4] the [0.2] conditions of employment of such workers are so 
competitive [0.3] that each worker has to look out for his or herself [0.4] 
there's no sense [0.2] of [0.3] er a common [0.3] class identity and class 
solidarity [1.7] so for Gorz [0.3] again [0.3] the structure of the working 
class has been restructured in the recent period [0.5] dividing the working 
class along these lines [0.2] and in each case [0.2] moving it away from [0.2] 
some [0.2] er [0.3] er association [0.3] with [0.4] a movement beyond 
capitalism to another society [0.5] for our [0.8] workers who are locked into 
large organizations [0.4] their skills seem to be dependent upon that kind of 
organization [0.7] for those [0.4] er [0.3] on the the more fringes of the 
labour market [0.3] er [0.3] there's no [0.2] sense of the centrality of work 
experience [0.2] and no sense of er a common 
experience [0.3] which [0.2] moves [0.3] everyone forward [13.1] my third 
example is taken from a book by Adam Przeworski [0.6] i'm not sure if i 
pronounced that [0.3] right but it it does [0.2] it [0.4] it's a Polish name 
and to me it sounds [0.2] sort of Polish like that so [0.3] if any of you [0.3] 
er speak Polish or have Polish ancestry [0.3] my apologies if i have made a 
complete [0.5] arse of how to pronounce [0.4] this [0.7] Polish word [0.4] 
[laugh] but i will call him Przeworski [0.6] [1.6] this is a theory about [0.5] 
not the [0.4] changing structure of the working class [0.5] but about [0.2] 
social democratic parties [0.4] those parties which took that second route [0.
3] that i mentioned earlier [0.4] er along the parliamentary road [0.3] based 
upon the increasing [0.2] electoral presence [0.3] of the working class [0.4] 
forming political parties [0.2] on a mass basis [0.3] entering the [0.2] the 
the the realm of representative [0.3] er democracy [1.3] Przeworski's [0.3] er 
question is [0.7] why hasn't [0.2] haven't those parties [0.2] implemented [0.
3] the socialist [0.2] ideal [0.2] of creating a socialist society [0.4] rather 
than [0.3] a a [0.2] a a 
capitalist society [2.8] [2.7] that er [0.3] yeah [0.2] er [1.4] now i just 
want to include a point there that i haven't got got here [2.1] Przeworski 
points out that [0.6] from the nineteen-twenties [0.2] right through to the [0.
2] current period [0.5] where er [0.3] as you possibly know [0.3] virtually all 
of Europe is now [0.3] er [0.5] er governed by [0.4] er [0.4] parties [0.3] 
supposedly on the left of the political spectrum [0.6] over all that period [0.
8] there doesn't seem to have been any [0.3] er [0.3] undermining [0.2] of 
capitalism [0.8] social democratic parties [0.3] seem to have come into power 
[0.3] held power for long periods of time [0.3] but er [0.4] er [0.3] don't 
seem to have [0.4] er done the business in terms of delivering something called 
socialism [0.2] as opposed to capitalism [1.0] a nice example that Przeworski 
uses is that [0.3] in Germany [0.3] in France and in Britain [0.2] in the 
interwar period [1.0] social democratic parties did hold political power [0.3] 
at er for some [0.3] er [0.2] crucial points in time [0.9] and yet with the 
exception of a small [0.4] part of the French armaments industry [0.7] not one 
industry was nationalized during the interwar period [0.8] [0.9] so 
he he throws up the the prob-, problem well [0.8] why [0.2] why don't social 
democratic parties deliver [0.5] something called socialism [1.0] and his 
answer has three component parts [1.4] first of all [0.2] about the working 
class and the electorate [2.2] this [0.4] particular [0.2] path toward a 
socialist society [0.6] depended upon the idea [0.7] that [0.6] as the 
electorate grew [0.6] as the franchise was extended to [0.2] the working class 
and to women [0.9] then [0.6] [1.0] the working class would become the majority 
[0.3] of [0.4] the [0.2] electorate [0.4] and through from that majority 
position [0.4] they would be in a position to take political power [1.5] now 
this [0.4] depends upon how you define the working class [0.9] but most labour 
movements were based upon [0.3] er a core [0.7] of [0.5] er [0.7] o-, er er er 
of m-, of of membership and allegiance [0.3] from [0.3] manual workers [3.0] 
and [0.2] from about nineteen-fourteen [0.5] whilst the electorate grew [1.4] 
the [0.5] place of manual workers [0.2] in the overall [0.3] electorate [0.4] 
gradually declined [2.0] what one had [0.2] was [0.6] a decline in the manual 
workforce [0.7] and on either flank of the manual workforce [0.4] what you 
had was a growth [0.3] of two different kind of constituencies [0.4] on the one 
hand the poor [0.6] the people who are not [0.3] er locked into the labour 
market [0.3] either because they were children or old people or they were 
disabled [0.3] or they're unemployed [0.4] er [0.3] the [0.3] multiple [0.2] 
reasons for [0.3] for for poverty [0.4] but that became [0.3] er [0.4] a s-, a 
section of the electorate [0.2] who were not well integrated into the labour 
movement [1.1] on the other flank of the labour movement [0.3] are [0.7] what 
we might broadly call the wor-, the the middle class [0.8] white-collar workers 
[0.3] er er i-, in particular [1.5] and so [0.7] what [0.3] social democratic 
parties had to do [0.4] was to broaden their electoral appeal [0.2] beyond 
their natural basic constituency [0.3] of the the [0.5] unionized [0.2] er 
manual workforce [0.3] they had to appeal [0.2] to the poor [0.2] on the one 
hand [0.4] and [0.4] the middle classes on the other [0.9] so that [0.2] nice 
simple idea [0.3] that as the electorate grew [0.2] so [0.3] the er [0.2] the 
the the the proportion of manual workers in the electorate [0.2] would grow [0.
3] er was not [0.5] borne out by experience [0.6] so just as the l-, [0.3] the 
Labour Party and New Labour today [0.2] have to appeal [0.3] to [0.2] what was 
called Middle England [0.4] so [0.3] in the nineteen-twenties and thirties [0.
4] er social democratic parties [0.2] had to [0.3] appeal electorally to a 
constituency [0.2] wider than [0.2] if you like their organizational class base 
[0.4] this is not a new phenomenon [0.3] er of the nineteen- [0.3] eighties and 
nineties [0.3] this is a [0.3] er in Przeworski's view [0.2] a recurrent 
feature of social democratic parties [2.2] the second reason he offers [1.1] 
for [0.8] social democratic parties not delivering socialism [0.4] is that when 
they came into power [0.5] they didn't know what to do [0.3] [laughter] [0.5] 
the idea here is that socialism [0.2] was a motivating vision [1.1] but [0.9] 
had very little in the way of practical policies as to how to move from that 
motivating vision [0.4] to [0.6] how actually to implement [0.3] er [0.2] 
socialism [1.4] in this sense they are very different from er [0.4] from the 
the Communist Party in the Soviet Union [0.4] where [0.4] the er [0.3] er the 
the Bolsheviks as a as a small [0.3] if you like professional elite of 
revolutionaries [0.3] had w-, worked 
out [0.2] in considerable detail what they would do [0.3] once they took power 
[0.6] in a sense they didn't expect to take power so they could spend all their 
time working it out [0.3] [laugh] [0.3] but er [0.4] er [0.5] when the 
Communist Party grasped power in er in Tzarist Russia [0.8] then [0.4] er [1.1] 
er [0.3] there was a blueprint as to what to do [0.4] in terms of setting up 
Soviets in terms of er [0.4] er [0.3] er coordinating industry all of this [1.
1] and the social democratic equivalent [0.3] er [0.2] wasn't there [2.0] so [1.
4] this leads us into the third point [0.9] that what was there was something 
that looked like a possible alternative [0.8] what [0.3] people called [0.2] 
Keynesianism [1.1] this is from er [0.3] the s-, the economic and political 
theories [0.3] of John mar-, Maynard Keynes [0.6] and in the nineteen-thirties 
Keynes had been [0.3] er putting forward [0.4] er [0.2] a theory of how the [0.
2] a capitalist economy [0.2] could work [0.4] so long as certain things 
happened [1.1] this was in response to the crisis of capitalism [0.3] of er of 
the Great Depression [0.5] and [0.2] Keynes had developed [0.2] an alternative 
way [0.3] of er of how [0.2] the modern 
economy [0.3] could work [1.0] what these depen-, depended upon you don't have 
to know the details of [0.2] of Keynes' economic theories [1.2] the key ideas 
[0.5] was [0.7] the key ideas were [0.9] A [1.1] that for a modern economy to 
work [0.5] the state had to adopt [0.3] an interventionist role [2.0] a free 
market would lead to the disaster of the Great Depression [1.0] states had to 
intervene in the workings of the economy [1.1] and the key idea [0.3] was that 
they had [0.2] this is the second key idea [0.3] was that states had the 
responsibility [0.3] of maintaining overall demand in the economy [1.7] now 
what this actually meant when you worked it through [0.6] was that [0.7] [0.4] 
Keynesianism [0.3] meant that [0.3] the state [0.3] had to engage in some 
degree of redistribution of wealth and resources in the economy [1.4] so in 
order to maintain demand for example [0.2] you had to have [0.3] er sta-, state 
benefit systems [0.3] er [0.2] which would give some dema-, some [0.2] 
purchasing power to the poor [0.7] to maintain overall demand [0.5] [1.8] what 
it involved [0.2] was er [0.2] er [0.3] mai-, mai-, [0.4] intervening to some 
extent in the workings of 
the labour market [0.3] through er [0.2] er [0.2] labour exchanges and er [0.2] 
u-, unemployment benefit [0.2] and [0.5] making sure that people were [0.2] 
were [0.2] er mobile within [0.2] within the labour market [0.9] what it meant 
[0.2] thirdly [0.2] was some degree [0.2] of [0.3] state intervention [0.4] to 
er to generate [0.2] social goods social goods er such as [0.3] er education or 
health [1.3] in er to [0.2] maintain overall demand [0.2] and to er [0.2] red-, 
redistribute [0.2] wealth [0.3] i-, in these kind of ways [0.9] now from the 
perspective of social democratic parties [1.5] that didn't really know what to 
do [0.5] to move to socialism [0.7] this seemed a very attractive option [0.9] 
it involved [0.5] er [0.3] some [0.3] very [0.2] concrete policies that would 
be of er [0.2] of use [0.6] in to the the constituency [0.3] that [0.2] social 
democratic [0.2] parties were [0.2] appealing to [0.3] to the poor [0.2] to the 
working class [0.5] a national health service for example [1.9] it formed a 
basis for [0.2] bringing together this these three different constituencies [0.
8] of the poor [0.7] the organized working class [0.2] and the middle class [0.
7] so the [0.4] investment in in er [0.2] in an education for example [0.6] an 
education 
system [0.3] gave [0.5] some educational opportunities to the children of the 
poor to the children of the working class [0.3] and at the same time [0.2] it 
gave [0.3] professional advantages to this [0.2] growing army [0.2] of teachers 
and educationalists [0.3] er and university lecturers [0.3] as well [0.3] er [0.
2] er [0.2] who would benefit from the growth of a state system of education [0.
7] so [0.3] hunky-dory [0.6] [0.2] the problems of social democratic er [0.3] 
er [0.4] er [0.2] parties [0.3] about on the one hand first of all [0.2] 
appealing to a broad electorate [0.3] and secondly [0.3] er knowing what to do 
[0.2] seemed to be answered by Keynesianism [2.6] there was only one problem [1.
3] Keynesianism [0.2] was not a route [0.2] out of capitalism [1.4] the whole 
system was set up [0.4] in order [0.2] to [0.2] regenerate [0.3] and [0.2] 
ensure the continued [0.2] health [0.4] of a capitalist economy [1.5] so what 
[0.3] social democratic parties became [0.3] er locked into [0.5] was not 
moving beyond capitalism [0.5] but managing capitalism [0.2] and making sure 
that some of the messes of capitalism [0.3] er were [0.2] were at least 
ameliorated [5.4] [0.7] so that's Przeworski's [0.2] again int-, internal [0.2] 
critique of the theory of the labour market [0.2] looking at social democratic 
parties [0.3] and how they become [0.3] er embroiled within [0.5] er [0.6] 
capitalist societies [0.3] rather than [0.3] er [0.4] working for their change 
[3.1] now for the third part of the lecture [1.5] i want to move from [0.6] a 
focus upon the labour movement and its dilemmas and problems [0.3] on to a 
different kind of theory [0.4] er [0.3] it's er often called the theory of new 
social movements [1.2] on the er [0.2] on the reading list that you've got [0.
3] er a nice example of this is by [0.3] two [0.2] people called [0.2] Eyerman 
and Jamieson [0.9] er [10.9] just so you can locate it in terms of the reading 
oof dear [0.5] [2.7] right [1.2] now [2.7] if we go back to the historical 
experience [0.3] of social movements [1.1] whilst the er [0.6] the labour 
movement in the post-war period might have been [0.3] experiencing all these 
dilemmas and quandaries that i've been 
talking about [1.6] other social movements seem to be flourishing [1.2] in the 
nineteen-fifties we have [0.3] the peace movement with the first [0.2] version 
of C-N-D the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament [0.8] in er in in Britain [0.3] 
in the United States we have the beginnings of the civil rights movements 
particularly for [0.2] er black people in the United States [0.8] as we move 
into the nineteen-sixties [0.5] [cough] we have the beginnings [0.4] of er [0.
4] er er of of of a a new [0.2] pacifist movement particularly stimulated by [0.
3] er [0.2] the Vietnam War [0.2] and [0.3] opposition to the Vietnam War [0.4] 
and toward the end of the sixties we have [0.2] the rebirth of a feminist 
movements for women's li-, rights [0.9] as we get into the seventies this moves 
out into ac-, increasing concern with [0.3] problems with the environment [0.2] 
so we have [0.3] er Greenpeace Friends of the Earth [0.3] er [0.3] all sorts of 
activist er movements on behalf of the environment for animals and dah-di-dah 
[1.6] so [1.3] er [0.6] the idea [0.3] took hold [0.3] with people thinking 
about these er the-, these kind of [0.2] of experiences these kind of [0.2] of 
social movements [0.8] that [0.5] something different was happening [1.0] that 
[0.2] these were new social movements [0.4] and there w-, there was a contrast 
between [0.3] these new movements [0.3] and [0.3] the [0.2] old [0.9] social 
movements [0.4] particularly [0.2] the labour movement [0.7] so the theory 
first of all claims that there is such a division [0.8] there are old movements 
[0.2] particularly epitomized by the labour movement [0.4] and there are new 
movements [0.3] epitomized by [0.2] the kind of er [0.3] of issue issue led [0.
3] campaigns that i've just been mean-, mentioning [1.1] have i missed anyone 
out peace movements nuclear anti-nuclear [0.3] environmental [0.4] ism feminism 
civil rights [3.0] so [0.5] a contrast between [0.2] new and old [1.3] secondly 
[0.8] was [0.9] a claim [1.0] that the labour movement [0.2] had become [0.8] 
er [0.8] had played its part [0.4] in the development of the modern world [2.2] 
the labour movement had pa-, been part of the growth of [0.4] er shaping the 
modern state [1.0] if we take the idea of the modern state as having reforming 
responsibilities [1.1] that if we need something done then we try to get the 
state to do 
something about it [0.9] the labour movement had shaped the state [0.2] in that 
respect [0.4] seeing the state as not just a [0.4] er what we might call [0.3] 
the er [0.2] sometimes call the police state not in a sense of er [0.2] 
Pinochet kind of s-, police states but police in the sense [0.2] of a 
minimalist role for the state [0.3] to maintain [0.2] law and order [0.2] 
within [0.4] and to maintain good relations without [1.2] the state had become 
[0.2] an interventionist state for reform [0.3] and the labour movement had [0.
3] er [0.2] become er had b-, played its part in shaping the modern state [0.3] 
[2.1] the labour movement had [0.3] played its part [0.2] in defining [0.2] er 
voluntary [0.3] er institutions like trade unions like political parties [0.2] 
how they operated [0.3] er was very much [0.3] er er er er er er a a a result 
[0.2] of [0.3] the labour movement's efforts over several decades [1.6] and the 
labour movement had also [0.3] er finally [0.6] been associated [0.3] with the 
[0.2] er modernist [0.3] er [0.4] underlying belief [0.4] that science can save 
us [0.8] that from scientific knowledge [0.2] we can solve all our problems [0.
5] whether they be problems about our 
health [0.3] our environment [0.3] er [0.2] how we [0.3] er teach people [0.2] 
how we bring up children [0.2] science is the [0.2] er root of all knowledge [1.
7] you might er [0.3] er be aware that Marx and Engels called their [0.2] their 
[0.3] er form of socialism scientific socialism [1.5] it was also the case that 
in the [0.2] the British Labour Party [0.3] in the nineteen-forties that [0.2] 
implemented a whole raft of nationalizations of industry [0.5] the 
justification for that [0.3] was was was not in terms so much in terms of 
socialism [0.4] as in terms [0.2] of [0.2] national efficiency [0.8] 
approaching the pro-, the the the the question of how you dig ma-, [0.2] coal 
out of the ground [0.4] scientifically [2.4] so the [0.3] the labour movement 
had be-, had taken upon [0.2] er the the [0.3] taken upon itself the rhetoric 
[0.3] of er [0.3] of a scientific basis for society [1.2] so in these three 
different ways [0.7] from the point of view of this theory [0.7] the labour 
movement is associated with [0.3] basic [0.4] er [0.5] institutions and 
cultures of the modern world [2.4] that leads onto the third [0.3] er [0.4] 
part of the theory [1.2] from the perspective of new social 
movements [1.2] what this means is that the labour movement [0.2] is not [0.9] 
against the modern world [0.9] it is part of the problem [0.5] of the modern 
world [1.9] [0.3] so [1.7] whether we look at [0.2] say [0.4] trade unions 
whose members work within the nuclear industry [0.9] whether we look at social 
democramic [0.3] gratic-, parties [0.4] that [0.3] er [0.3] that that [0.4] er 
[0.2] er are are responsible for [0.3] welfare systems that discriminate 
against women [1.1] then [0.8] what [1.5] the labour movement looked like [0.2] 
from the point of view on one hand of anti-nuclear [0.4] demonstrators or on 
the other hand [0.3] of of feminist de-, demonstrators [0.3] was er that that 
[1.2] the labour movement was [0.4] part of the opposition [0.8] to [0.5] er [0.
2] what they were seeking to achieve [1.7] and so [0.4] the idea is that [1.1] 
these new social movements [0.2] are not just [0.3] new in a sort of temporal 
sense that they [0.3] emerged in the [0.3] the nineteen-sixties and seveties [0.
3] er as latecomers to the social movement scene [0.4] they're also new in that 
they [0.4] develop [0.4] forms of politics [0.2] which are [0.5] e-, [0.2] 
entirely different to [0.3] old social movements [2.4] the three [0.3] 
points that we can bring in here are A B and C [0.9] let me [0.5] first of all 
just [0.3] use an illustration [1.6] can you see this photograph [0.5] er [0.3] 
this is a photograph of the Greenham Common women [0.3] [0.5] who er [0.9] as 
you can see associated themselves with the C-N-D [0.3] but also with the 
feminist movement [0.4] this was a photograph taken in the nineteen er [0.6] er 
n-, in nineteen-eighty-three [0.4] er [0.2] it's a sit-down protest outside the 
Greenham Common [0.3] er American Air Base [0.4] er a confrontation with the 
police force [0.5] er [0.2] [0.6] this seemed to me to be a nice illustration 
[0.3] of several of the points that i'll make [0.3] er about [0.3] er about [0.
2] new social movements [1.1] er [2.2] the first is [0.6] that [0.4] new social 
movements [0.3] do not seek political power [0.4] they seek to [0.2] influence 
[0.3] those who hold power [0.6] so these women here [0.5] are not er [0.3] 
attempting to get themselves elected [0.4] they are attempting to influence 
public opinion [0.3] er [0.2] [0.3] in the [0.3] in the direction [0.2] of the 
dangers [0.2] of er of nuclear weapons [0.3] er [0.3] located [0.4] er i-, i-, 
in Britain [1.9] secondly [1.2] [1.7] that kind of political influence [0.2] is 
not so 
much in terms of well let's sep-, set up an Act of Parliament [0.5] to regulate 
nuclear power [0.6] it's rather to try to [0.3] er [0.2] shift [0.3] public 
opinion [0.2] in terms of lifestyles [1.0] to get people to think well [0.9] 
eating meat [0.2] is not what a civilized person does [2.5] [0.9] smoking 
cigarettes in public is not acceptable [0.2] in [0.3] a [0.2] civilized society 
[0.3] driving motorcars and polluting the atmosphere [0.4] is something that we 
ought to feel [0.3] fu-, fundamentally guilty about [0.6] [0.5] locating [0.3] 
er [0.2] nuclear missiles [0.3] in the English countryside [0.2] is not 
publicly accessible [0.7] the idea was that through such forms of direct action 
[0.5] the [0.3] agenda of politics would be shifted [0.4] er in terms of 
popular perceptions [0.2] of what's acceptable [0.3] and what's not sa-, not 
acceptable [0.7] [0.2] a nice example would be er [0.3] er [0.3] the w-, the 
way in which we er [0.4] we er [0.3] er stereotypically can [0.3] present women 
[0.3] er in public [0.3] er in the in the present period [0.5] to er [0.2] 
represent women as either [0.3] er [0.4] er the housewife [0.2] or the bimbo [0.
3] is generally speaking [0.2] not acceptable [0.4] there are of course limits 
to that [0.3] er 
if you read the Sun news-, newspaper or whatever [0.3] but [0.3] er [0.3] the 
the fate of the Miss World competition is a nice example where it became [0.3] 
er [0.3] er unacceptable [0.2] to parade women [0.2] in a beauty contest [0.2] 
on er [0.2] main-, mainstream television [0.6] so it's that kind of [0.3] of 
political influence that new social movements are are attempting to shift the 
agenda of politics [1.4] and the third [1.2] aspect of new social movements in 
according to the theory [0.6] is that they reject bureaucracy [0.3] and 
representative [0.3] politics [0.3] in favour of a loose [0.2] participatory [0.
2] network of organization [0.5] none of these women [0.2] were members of some 
er [0.3] of some organization [0.3] they didn't pay subscriptions they didn't 
have a secretary or a treasurer or a chairperson [0.4] er they [0.4] were 
members of a loose network of people who were concerned about this [0.3] and 
who came together [0.3] er for their stint [0.2] at Greenham Common [0.2] on er 
[0.2] an informal basis [1.8] [2.6] finally let me offer some er [1.0] critical 
thoughts on the theory oops 
wrong bit [4.4] on the the theory of neo-, new social movements [2.4] the first 
[2.0] criticism takes objection to the er [0.4] to the description new social 
movements [1.1] the concerns [0.6] of [1.0] er [0.2] feminism [0.2] 
environmentalism [0.8] er the civil rights movement [0.4] er anti-war movements 
[0.2] these are not new [0.4] neither are social movements concerned with these 
issues [1.4] [2.2] clearly [1.1] in the late nineteenth century the first wave 
of feminism [0.2] was a major social movement [1.2] prior to the First World 
War [0.2] there was a considerable [0.2] pacifist movement within Europe [0.3] 
as the build-up to the First World War took place over a [0.2] about a twenty 
year period [0.6] a nice example is environmentalism [0.9] throughout the 
nineteenth century [0.3] there was a concern about [0.3] the pollution of the 
environment [0.3] by [0.3] er industry and particularly by the city [1.6] and 
all sorts of er of er [0.2] of movements to preserve the countryside [0.3] er 
[0.4] er d-, were were were developed [1.1] that led to the er [0.3] the the 
idea of town 
planning [0.9] now just because town planning became in a sense part of [0.4] 
er the modern system of bureaucratic regulation [0.3] doesn't mean to say [0.3] 
that environmentalism is a new issue [0.6] the garden city movement of the 
nineteenth century [0.3] was just as much a [0.2] an active concern with the [0.
3] with the environment [0.2] as the [0.2] the modern concern [0.3] about 
industrial pollution [0.5] so none of these movements are new [1.3] they are [0.
4] er [1.0] new [0.6] editions if you like of old movements [1.3] the second 
point is that this characterization [0.4] of the political role of new social 
movements [0.3] is idealized and er [0.4] er [0.2] and a-, and doesn't 
correspond with the facts [1.2] lots of feminists [0.3] lots of civil rights 
activists do become involved in [0.2] organized politics [1.3] [0.3] indeed 
when i was looking out at my [0.3] my [0.5] pictures today [1.1] a frequent 
picture [0.4] er which occurred in my on my [0.6] computer screen [0.5] er as i 
was hunting through for feminism and civil rights and things like this [0.4] 
was the face of Ellen Wilkinson [1.0] many of you [0.7] perhaps haven't 
heard of Ellen Wilkinson [0.4] Ellen Wilkinson was a er [0.2] is the [0.3] the 
the the one woman who is responsible for [0.2] what we now call child benefits 
what used to be called family allowances [0.5] she was the person in the 
nineteen-thirties and the forties [0.2] who worked for [0.4] the idea [0.3] of 
[0.2] [laughter] [0.3] wages for women [0.8] [0.6] [0.3] and er [0.9] er a f-, 
a f-, a feminist ideal [0.3] which Ellen Wilkinson [0.3] er [0.5] worked [0.2] 
for through the labour movement and through the Labour Party [0.6] so [0.8] er 
similarly we've had recent er [0.3] m-, many examples of people associated with 
the feminist movement becoming involved in electoral politics [0.3] many people 
involved with the civil rights movement [0.3] er in America for example [0.2] 
becoming part of the Democratic Party [0.3] er the Reverend je-, [0.2] er Jesse 
Jackson is perhaps the best known example [0.4] so this idea that [0.3] new 
social movements are detached from politics is er [0.2] is one particular [0.4] 
er political expression [0.2] there are many other political expressions [0.2] 
of [0.3] er concerns 
with these [0.2] this e-, [0.2] these issues [1.9] and thirdly [0.9] the [0.4] 
the third critique of er of this er i-, i-, of this theory is that [0.5] in 
many cases [0.3] in the past [1.1] these [0.6] supposedly new issues have been 
articulated through the labour movement [0.7] so for example [0.2] prior to the 
First World War [0.3] to be a socialist [0.2] meant you were also [0.4] a [0.4] 
pacifist [0.2] the two almost went together [0.7] similarly [0.6] the issue of 
women's rights has been debated in the labour movement ever since the time of 
Chartism in the eighteen-thirties and forties [0.3] whether the charter should 
[0.3] should appeal for [0.3] u-, u-, a universal franchise or simply [0.3] an 
adult male franchise [0.4] and this has been a issue within the labour movement 
[0.3] for at least [0.2] a hundred-and-fifty years [0.8] now what has happened 
[0.4] [0.3] in the er [0.2] in the recent past [0.3] is the [0.2] detachment [0.
2] of some of 
these issues [0.4] from [0.4] that involvement with the labour movement [0.6] 
so that [0.3] labour movement [0.5] er environmental movement feminist movement 
have been [0.4] to some degree detached [0.5] but this does not mean [0.4] in 
my view [0.4] that [0.4] er [0.8] i-, either these issues [0.6] either that 
these issues are new [0.3] nor that they have nothing to do with the labour 
movement [0.4] [0.2] so i think [0.2] basically [0.2] there are fundamental 
flaws in this idea [0.4] that the the labour movement is now an old movement 
which has been surpassed by [0.3] new social movements [1.4] okay [0.2] that's 
just about done it in the time [0.4] so er [0.7] er i think we'll draw to a 
close now [0.3] and er [0.2] i'll see you next week