nm1213: okay let's er let's get going i've got er a couple of er a couple of announcements before we start one about the resurrection of the psychology society tah-dah [laughter] [laughter] er some of you have been to the meetings in one-four er one-four-nine-C whatever it was about the c-, psychology society it is being resurrected as is it sa-, it usually is every year when enthusiasm builds it up and er it has these people it has these officers some of whom may be here now i believe [laughter] so it has a president namex vice-president namex treasurer namex secretary namex ents officer er namex and there is a meeting on Wednesday of week nine between one o'clock and two that's next week week nine in the common room for people to pay deposits for Cumberland Lodge and or to join the psychology society now the s-, the psychology society first i guess you've heard a bit about it it wel-, it it organizes things and generally as a result of what people want to do social events visiting speakers and and i g-, i guess it will continue to do so now it's up and going it'll respond to whatever you want to do so that'll be partly what that meeting is about and secondly there is this Cumberland Lodge now that seems to be up and running now people seem to be interested and it's going to go there are er we have some speakers arranged i guess you i guess you've heard enough about what it is it's a residential weekend away in in Windsor Park et cetera and i think you all you all know what the event is do you b-, okay well it's b-, it's being organized e-, deposits have been taken from some people and we have some speakers now i happen to know we i think we've got a hypnotherapist set up and we've got somebody who's from the M-R-C er Medical Research Unit in Cambridge who'll talk about cognitive rehabilitation er after brain damage so people with brain damage from accidents so there's a sort of neur-, the practical end of neuropsychology and we have a speaker who analyses it's Peter Bull actually er from University of York whose interest is i-, is in political rhetoric the analysis of political spee ches and he's always pretty entertaining lots of speeches of politicians telling the truth or otherwise and so his interest is his interest is in sort of political rhetoric so there are some speakers arranged as and as i as i think you know Cumberland Lodge is a mixture of outside speakers who are either sort of academic or professionally orientated and internal home-grown s-, talks as well which can be sort of brief and we'll be trying to organize some of those you don't want members of staff giving them there will be about forty or so psychology students going and about sort of five five or so members of staff going we'll try and organize some brief speeches talks on topics of interest from er those who go and i hope a lot of you will go very rewarding and interesting it is too er i think there's some even some talk of subsidizing the cost of going for anyone who wants to talk while they're there but there's m-, more about that in due course are any of the people on that list there namex namex namex namex and namex are you here i think there are some sf1215: yeah nm1213: are you all in a row the committees we're going to talk about committees and groups is there anything you want to say this is your chance camera's on su1221: no [laughter] nm1213: [laugh] is there about about Cumberland Lodge sf1214: yeah it it should be it should be good i mean if anybody has any suggestions about what what kind of speakers that they'd er like to hear there nm1213: mm sf1214: as well er it's a bit kind of kind of open er nm1213: yes sf1214: i mean it should just be good fun really er i think the places are going quite quickly anyway so er if you well er i think probably about twenty have gone or something already sf1215: yeah nm1213: yes sf1214: so it's kind of like do you do you want to go 'cause it should be excellent nm1213: yes hurry hurry while stocks last [laughter] because there aren't many tickets left so there you are and it is good fun and there's still there's still o-, there's still er a degree of negotiation about i mean f-, for what who we get whom we ask i mean you can ask or we'll ask to get people along we've had some response f-, i mean the hypnotherapist we s-, that was suggested yesterday and we we've been asking all our hypnotherapy hyp-, our hypnotherapist pals of which we've got many [laughter] and [laugh] and so we seem to have got a couple there and er and cer-, certainly someone who's going who deals with runny brains as well will be er sort of someone suggested but th- , there's room for others so Cumberland Lodge the meeting don't forget to sign up or there won't be a place right secondly i i i needed to say something about just briefly about the seminars the last rou-, we we've done one round of pra-, presentations of the practical work jolly good they were very interesting and next Wednesday we have the next the the the other two groups so there'll be eight eight more presentations hopefully to do and i said in the last week it turned out talking to the other seminar group that we really needed to arrange four seminars in the last week of term i was going to make the w-, the seminars in week ten gear them to the the assessed essays there seemed to be a lot of interest in this and i said er i asked how many would come and it seemed that nearly all the people from the seminar groups this week would come in week er er in week ten and er so i suspect the the people coming to seminars in week nine would also come to these ones in week ten so we might i was going to cram everybody into those two those two slots at eleven o'clock and twelve o'clock on Wednesday but that won't do it seems that'll be too crowded there'll be too many people to go in the rooms if we try and to combine two groups into one for the last week er so the suggestion is that we have four seminars in the last week and each one is geared towards one particular assessed essay title and you can choose to come to one or more of them so you won't be sitting around for fifty minutes waiting for just ten minutes on an essay that's relevant to you so i'm going to have to find two more seminar slots i assume that eleven and twelve as usual are free everybody can make eleven or twelve in in principle and i'm looking at your second year timetable here can i just check that the i haven't been in touch with timetables yet but can i just check that all these times are available for instance twelve o'clock on a Monday it seems free on your timetable would that be all right if it if it were available would everyone be able to come at that time okay then i see that two o'clock on Monday would also be free on your timetable is that in principle free ss: yeah nm1213: i don't know whether these will be the times yeah sf1215: yeah nm1213: then looking on Tuesday it's s-, see that eleven o'clock and twelve o'clock there's a methods lecture but only in weeks four to eight is in principle er Tuesday er eleven or twelve would that in principle be free sf1216: twelve nm1213: twelve no can i cross out twelve i can't cross out twelve 'cause i've not brought anything to write at [laughter] ah [laughter] mm right i've got to put this little thing back on here [laughter] sorry about the technology oh dear mm does it matter if it's off om1220: nm1213: all right i i've been in make-up for an hour this morning you know [laughter] [laugh] i [laughter] then they deci-, they decided there wasn't anything they could do so i've come as i am [laughter] er er i wanted the j-, Julian Clary look but there we were [laughter] okay so we can't we can't make twelve and ju-, i yeah i'd better i'd better get a few 'cause the timetable is very crowded and i'd like sort of smallish rooms and in Humanities so i don't have to walk too far as well so what about eleven o'clock on Wednesday would that be in principle free yeah and eleven o'clock on er sorry er not eleven o'clock er we have one anyway then don't we er ten o'clock on Wednesday would that be free the hour before this start okay i'll try that one and another one er Thursday at t-, ten o'clock yeah sm1217: yeah nm1213: that would be free ss: nm1213: okay or is that not a very good idea is that 'cause you don't have anything on Thursday ss: yeah nm1213: oh right i'll scrub that out i le-, that i'll only do that in an emergency so it'll probably be one of those times on Monday or Tuesday or Wednesday then two seminar slots sf1218: nm1213: yes sf1218: Wednesday at ten o'clock nm1213: sorry sf1218: er can't do Wednesday ten o'clock nm1213: you can't do Wednesday ten o'clock right okay might be Monday or Tuesday i'll see what we can find right so that's the seminars that's Cumberland Lodge let us now turn our attention to the matter in hand which is to start doing well it's to look at groups group performance group decision making things that go on in groups and er i suppose this marks try to see how the the lectures are grouped together we're going to be doing three lectures now which are about group orientated phenomena and we'll look at things that go on within groups we'll look at the concept of groups see what we shall do we'll try and get through some of these things here although i think not all of them but these er more about things that go on within small groups the decision making the performance the impact of being around small numbers of people this week and then move on next week to begin to look at things that go on within between groups prejudice discrimination intergroup relations cooperation and conflict er other other points about this i think they are er relevant very very much to the s-, the stuff that Ian Morley talks about in his third year course Ian Morley's third year option is called Applied Social Psychology its its particular emphasis is on applied social psychology in organizational contexts and those are mainly sort of i-, er or in-, sorry industrial organi-, no t-, that's just not the quite work organizations i mean the word organization can be very loose but he he has a fairly specific er view of that and therefore some of these concepts particularly i shall talk about group think towards the end and group polarization and and leadership will be topics that he picks up again so this can serve as a sort of an introduction to some of the literature which will be picked up in greater depth next year it also rai-, it all c-, comes back t-, as well to the difference t-, b-, between people as perceivers and participants we've had we've had this come up so far on the course and here i think we're moving to back to sort of people as participants things people do when they interact with each other but but both both are really irrelevant there's al-, there's something about the representation of knowledge here within groups but it's more about how people are influencing each other in groups okay so i'll certainly sa-, try and say something about functions and dimensions of groups say something about er performance just the impact of having people around one i'll skip over this a bit decision making in groups and aspects of group processes but i will mention it because when we come on to looking at er group think which is a really d-, can be summed up as defective er group decision making that will er alert us to some of the things that aren't being done i'll try and say something about leadership r- , role differentiation leadership risk taking so it'll really be mostly about what is a group performance in groups and then going on to roles and influence in groups risk taking and group think now the word the word group emerges all over the place in social psychology just like it emerges all over the place in everyday language group is the collective noun of persons you have flocks of sheep herds of goats groups of people and it means it means a whole lot of things group group can r-, refer to a small number of face to face interacting individuals of course a a group a family or a committee or a jury but we also use the word to describe aggregates of people and people who are just identified by c-, some common concept we talk about blood groups you don't know all the people who are O-positive there's a lot of them sixty to seventy isn't it sixty per cent of the room you don't know who they are but somehow you know if you needed blood you'd want to know who they were and people who share religion common national ethnic origin they are groups as well we refer to them as groups but there there it's a sort of an abstract quality a phenomenon something with which one migh-, er i might identify something which influences behaviour influences attitudes does have an effect on what you do but in a in a sort of an abstract sort of sense but other times a group means a set er a group of people small number of people with whom you're actually interacting with whom you're actually talking put together for the purposes of doing something or saying something or making some sort of decision so it er it applies certainly to both of those two senses this week it'll be more about the face to face aggregates of people things we do when making decisions in groups what happens to us when we have people around us looking at us but next week when we deal with intergroup relations there is a sense sometimes intergroup relations when you have two football teams or two sports teams playing against each other when the competition is about people all of whom know who it is competing against them but more usually when we talk about intergroup relations we're talking about concepts er er abstract notions of groups who have some sort of territorial dispute or some ideological dispute okay some examples just to sort of prime us a bit to what we're talking about i've got down some examples here things we do just to sort of alert us to what what happens here i mean we work and play in groups so you know example seminars production teams and sports teams we socialize in the technical sense as well as the non- technical sense the so the technical sense in the sense of inducing children into the world of adult values so there's that sort of s-, the psychological sense but of course we socialize in the sense of hanging about in groups families peer groups and friends we derive important aspects of our identity from groups gender race class nationality we make important decisions in groups oh and important decisions about us are made by groups exam boards and then of course there's committees interview panels and juries and so on so the dimensions of groups there are a number of ways i've already sort of hinted at this f-, the face to face versus the the concept dimension i mean the the numbers of individuals comprising the group obviously is a dimension we have sort of committees families there are two person families i suppose so two is the minimum number i suppose for a group although that's not really a group three is more like a group because there's a possibility that two people will talk and the other person listens there's the possibility of coalitions and lots of interesting things happen once you get beyond two to three but some peo-, some psy-, social psychologists talk about groups as if they were three as if they were t-, and th-, a two person group could be a group er the length of time people remain in groups they can be quite transient a pub crawl or a jury or on the other hand they can be quite long lasting like a family or a nation they could be structured and formal so we can have er they could be structured like police or freemasons actually it occurs to me they're the same group so it's not a very [laugh] [laughter] not a very good example there there are day trippers there for the time supporters associations all sorts of different purposes er they can be pur-, well they can be purposeful or purposeless assembly lines local action groups street gangs local communities are all aggregates of people that have been studied by social psychologists then then well er they could be organized in different ways they can be autocratic they can be democratic they can be laissez-faire looking at the armed forces or the Mormons as opposed to say students sharing a flat or well peo-, members of a university department so we have all those dimensions to look at okay er let's i should just refer back of course to those the vor-, the course that was called intr-, er further Foundations of Psychology last year it's now called Further Psychology this year just to remind you and those that did it that the the work we did last year two lectures on social influence and those of you that didn't do the course you can look up social influence in in the Hogg and Vaughan textbook and see what was talked about but they're such classic studies even those of you that didn't do the two-plus-two students for instance can hardly have escaped the sorts of studies such as the Ash study on compliance Sherif on normative influences within social groups Latané on bystander apathy those are all ex-, all studies on groups the impact of face to face interaction so we've really be-, begun to look at groups w-, last year er and those studies and especially the role of social influence i'll remind you of those three plo-, these those three processes of social influence compliance identification and internalization much beloved of social psychologists absolutely fundamental to social influence and social influence i-, er as often as not goes on within the context of a group so all of those processes compliance identification and internalization all have some er something to do with groups and groupness about them and that'll that'll come up when we look at types of leadership decision making we'll see those three processes are still going on er let's have a quick look at a quick review of just what happens when going to remind you what just what happens when people get together just the the mere impact of other people i think the original definitions of social psychology that come up in the f-, in the beginning of most books just pull that down a bit performance and groups that says then i'll put it up again er suggest that s-, remember s-, it's a study of social influence processes in the presence or absence you know in the real or imagined presence of other people and there's a n-, there are a number of studies [sniff] areas of social psychology which look at the e-, impact of other people first of all we've mentioned this before the effect of mere presence social facilitation is something we have to bear in mind having other people around us whether they're in groups or not seems to impact on what we do remember tri-, triplet study cyclists child winders and then the triplets w-, wonderful wonderful tasks to give people get them to wind a reel a fishing reel because you actually measure how much they've done by how much fishing line is left at the end it's a hundred years old but it's a very good dependent variable i think getting people to wind a fishing reel er people go faster people are generally razzed up when there are other people around them and they do more and they do faster things but then it it turns out it's slightly more complicated sometimes they do better sometimes they do worse this er confusion is sort of sorted out by Robert Zajonc in his articles in Science nineteen-sixty-five onwards suggesting that what we're dealing with here is arousal it's a sort of drive theory explanation of why people sometimes do better and sometimes do worse you've probably had the experience sometimes you just do better if there's other people sometimes your whole act you're about to do your party piece and suddenly it all falls to pieces when people are around you watching and that's er that's what really what zajan-, Zajonc addresses and his drive theory approach is what's really going on is here is we're generally being wound up and the dominant responses are the ones that er come to the fore and if it's something very easy we do better and if it's something rather difficult where the dominant response is not necessarily the correct one we tend to do worse so that's sort of tidying up this this finding now there have been various developments which i can dir-, direct you to in Hogg and Vaughan particularly Cotterill's work in the Journal of Personality and Social Psychology nineteen-sixty-eight audience evaluation has to come in here it depends who these people are who are watching you i think this is very important it seems a bit simplistic just to think well are there people there or not what what we're really thinking about is what is their attitude what are they doing are they evaluating us or not and that's really what Cotterill's work is about looking at the sort of if you like mindset or attitude of the people who are around us when we're in groups are they friendly or unfriendly are they better than us or are they are they evaluating us er and then we've also got ad-, that's advanced as an experimental social psychology the Baron reference a development of audience evaluation just the role of distraction just com-, competition for where attention goes is another way of approaching what happens when we just have people around us now wa-, one other branch of work that that gets discussed quite a lot although it seems to be rather value laden is what come what's come to be known as social loafing and this is this describes the effect of people doing less pro rata when there are other people around you i seem to remember my grandmother had a had a saying which was i just just occurred to me so one one boy's a boy two boys half a boy and three boys no bloody use at all [laughter] you find that somehow as as as the sort of groups of people have you ever heard that phrase or something like it sf1219: yeah nm1213: i thought yeah it's the idea of a you know the er having er er people just do less i mean that's that's really basically what socia-, social loafing is about and er the the original e-, the original experiments er were to do with er i can't remember what the original experiments were about okay i remember l-, Latané's oh Ringleman isn't it it's Ringleman's work of course that's right Ringleman had people doing tug of war teams sort of pulling and really you had the the real the real subject was the person at the front of the rope pulling against the dynamometer that just measured how much force and so he or she i think they were hes wouldn't know how much effort was coming from behind on the pull and they'd just be pulling as hard as they could if you're in a tug of war team always go at the back i suppose is the is the answer here and in Ringleman's experiments the er the he found that the the actual pull if you doubled the number of people you didn't double the number of pull er you d-, [laugh] you didn't double the amount of pull the more people you had it didn't go up five t-, five people didn't pull five times as hard as one person and this was picked up by Latané the same Latané of the er Bibb Latané of the er of bystander apathy experiments his er his paradigm was to get people to shout in an anechoic chamber and found that people er asked to shout as loudly as they could make as much volume as they could and they made a certain amount of volume if you added extra people er the amount of noise that was er created didn't go up have i put it down there the yes i think i have got the percentages percentages there he found that er er i-, er th-, the noise was reduced by twenty-nine per cent for pairs quite a lot getting on for a third as- , third off and then only half as much noise per person per fours so if you'd if you er if you have four times the number of people you only get double the amount of noise so social loafing this tendency to er to do less when there's when there's people around do less per person er now there a-, there are various explanations for this i can er leave you to look u-, look this up er but it does seem a a a rather negatively evalua-, er evalu-, evaluative sort of term to use social loafing because sometimes i mean there obviously there are distractions going on but of-, often group performance is about not everybody acting their optimum sometimes the whole point of a group working effectively if i-, is for people to stand back and and contribute in a constructive way wait for your turn contribute to something which will be greater the sum than the sum of the parts by by just standing back and not operating at the maximum operating in in the way that one would if er you were working on your own so social loafing social impact so th-, th-, the approach is really just looking at the impact of other people so having people around you affects performance in a variety of ways now i'd like to move on to sort of talking about de-, making decisions in groups dealing with er information in groups and i'm going to zip over this quite quickly just to just to draw attention you've got them on the notes in in on the notes in front of you i had some points to make about how how when when groups make decisions how the activity is sort of divided and analysed and certainly er traditionally the process the context and the quality have been around and then Bales whom we're going to come back in a minute when t-, come back to in a minute when we look at er er leadership developed those throughout the nineteen-fifties to orientation groups need a shared view of the problem to work well evaluation solutions have to be put forward and then control one solution has to be developed that's Bales' contribution to to to tidying up the th-, the processes that go on i-, in a group and then more recently that seems to have developed into these three phases and i think these are slightly m-, more noteworthy because these are you can look at these and s-, look in terms of what goes wrong when groups don't make group d-, good decisions the orientation research su-, looks at getting the right procedures to ensure that the group has understood the problem everyone knows what they're doing and then when that happens the-, these are really the characteristics of a good decision they s-, er a good decision making group they spend some time standing back making sure everybody knows what's going on bad groups rush straight in secondly they go on to actually do the discussion bit where information is exchanged and there are various procedures that ensure that's done well and if they're n-, not followed it gets done badly and then you move on to the decision making and that's a that's an important part of group decision making 'cause there are very many different ways in which thi-, this can be done social decision schemes er and groups often go to groups expecting how it's going to be done is one per-, is the are you going to vote for instance or are you going to talk on and on and on until eventually one rather like electing the Pope until one sort of solution emerges or you know what other procedures have we got down here or are you going to at the end of talking just take an average everybody writes down everybody rates all of all of their choices and the one that gets the best the best overall average gets chosen there are a whole a whole range of different ways in which groups having understood the problem having gone through the discussion then move on to coming up with their solution whether it's a verdict of guilty or not does it does it have to be unanimous do do juries vote well on the whol-, whole on the whole juries i've done jury service they talk and talk and talk and s-, somehow it sort of emerges sort of magically but sometimes you sit and you have a vote saying who's you know who thinks guilty who thinks innocent so it's a sort of mixture of voting which sort of orientates you and then you go on and on and on discussing so m-, decision schemes are an important part 'cause pe-, people go into groups with ideas about how it should be done and some or sometimes it just emerges about how this how the decision will emerge right now like to to move on now to to say something about leadership and then then to go on to talking about group think now so much it's a huge area so much is written about leadership and i can't really begin to do it justice here i'd like to s-, su-, suggest that it's really obviously it's an example of group processes it's something to do with er some sort of role differentiation obviously that emerges within a group but we've already seen that groups can be face to face in interacting units or there could be large scale aggregates of people and er obviously the sort of person or the sort of role that we'd call leadership is very different you know a small group like a family or a jury they have their foreman or foreperson or they have their their leader and it's a very different set of circumstances and a very s-, different set of activities as a role perhaps from someone who is a dictator or a prime minister and not all groups of course have leaders there isn't a leader of the people who are group O-positive er and lots er the the lots of things that are very you know very solidly understood as groups don't have leaders so there are very different types of groups therefore we'd expect the sorts of roles that we'd call leadership to vary but i think one thing you can say and i think this makes some sort of sense is to say that o-, it's a role but it's a role that's to do with influence leadersh-, the thing about leaders is they have a particular er role with respect to influence within the group so we're talk we're back to social influence again leadership is about social influence it's a particular case of social influence in that it's a particular role that emerges from a group well i say emerges it doesn't have to be em-, it doesn't have to emerge it can be imposed from the outside so think roles think variety of groups and particularly think of social influence and of course once again once we start to talk about social influence we're reminded of compliance we're reminded of identification and we're reminded of internalization and all three of those processes of social influence can bring about a role of influence compliance if one has the power or the authority in a group or the political might or one's just very strong one's going to have some sort of influence 'cause you can force people to be influenced by you if one is particularly attractive or charismatic wears the right clothes is very good at some-, doing something people like to be like you you're going to have you're going to emerge as having the role of social influence in a group and similarly if you're right this is internalization if your ideas are good effective or useful or people say yes that's right why didn't i think of that people will be following you and be influenced by you because of the process of internalization so we're back we're back with social influence we're back with those three processes now let's look at some classic studies of er of leadership we can move on to looking at er although really i mean ah well er roles emerge for division of labour expectation self-definition i s-, that's r-, the functional aspect of er leadership i wanted to er just look at some of the classical studies the one of the one of the earliest studies is this one by Lippett and White on leadership style this is done i think in er er er ninet-, nineteen-forty-three they were the first people to really i mean classic studies in a way really because they were some of the earliest studies to to to l-, look at ex-, er experimentally truly experimentally er s-, group phenomenon perhaps bef-, you know some of the first group stud-, studies ever done and they were interested in styles of leadership i guess you can look at the political context of nineteen-forty-three and work out why people are interested in in leadership there were some beefy dictators around in the early nineteen-forties in Spain and Italy and Germany and i suspect that has something to do with suddenly this interest in leadership they they studied boys' clubs and they looked at the imposition of types of leaders they're the first people really to start looking at the personalities of leaders addressing this question are orders are leaders born or are they made by the circumstances and they were they they were interested in the the personality of people imposed in in groups of boys so there's all sorts of specific situations here there's a there's a an authority in any case that we're talking about adults and children and we're talking about a leader imposed from the outside as is the case in sort of boys' clubs and so on but they interesting they studied autocratic leaders democratic leaders and laissez-faire leaders autocratic leaders organized activities gave orders were aloof and focused on the task in hand democratic leaders asked for suggestions er discussed plans acted as ordinary club members laissez-faire leaders just sort of hung back and did not much and the results if you think about them i guess were quite predictable and democratic led groups had a better atmosphere laissez-faire had a good atmosphere with play- related activities but not with other activities er the democratic ac-, leaders had better atmosphere for task-related activities the autocratically led groups had high productivity when the leader was present not very high productivity as soon as the leader was gone so obviously the autocratic leaders are working by compliance and and so on now you can you can look in Hogg and Vaughan or any of the textbooks and you can see a bit more detail about the sorts of findings but at l-, but it sh-, it showed that the different styles of leaders produced different styles of behaviour and that had implications for whe-, you know for how for how the group performed especially whether the leader was there or not what could be relied upon within the group this work was picked up by Bales again who looking more at groups where leaders evolved this research was more about adults more about groups that were just were allowed to get on with tasks they were u-, usually laboratory tasks experimental tasks like rank order a group of eq-, er a s-, set of equipment for if you were stranded on a desert island you know compass needle eight gramophone records copy of Hogg and Vaughan et cetera [laughter] things you'd have on a things you'd have on a desert island and er and ask them to sort of rank them tasks like that i think er and then what he s-, what he discovered were that there were different types of influence for going on it wasn't just all about the task and particularly he's well known his work for distinguishing two types of leader a sort of task orientated role getting things done ordering people around getting getting the job done certainly individuals emerged who had more influence in doing that but at the same time another another role emerged which was vital for group performance and that was what Bales called the socio-emotional leader the someone who sort of kept people together put an arm round someone who'd been moaned at or wasn't doing very well cracked a joke lightened the atmosphere and he found that his most effective groups were groups where both these roles w-, were seen to emerge and thought to have emerged by the people participating so here's his example of more than one social influence function needs to take place for a group to be effective now this is picked up by by er Fiedler who's not on this file er he gets a he gets an O-H-P to himself and in the sixties and then onwards and i still think Fiedler is probably the most influential peo-, influential person in in the study of groups certainly was all throughout the sixties and seventies and onwards peop-, people may other and it's a lot of work which Ian will no doubt tell you more about next year on leadership but it's still set in the context of Fiedler's work most people are sort of he's a sort of shadow cast over the er the the world of er l-, leadership studies and he was interested in Bales' work and his his own research comes out of Bales' work er and he looked it's sometimes called a contingency theory of leadership it's usually called a contingency theory of leadership actually and it and the the the message here is that the sort of style of leader is contingent upon the circumstances within the group so he's interested in classifying the tasks that confronted a group and he saw there as he saw there being at least three important bases for classifying what was going on in a group the situ-, the circumstances in which the group leader might emerge there were the leader-member relations were they good or bad the task structure was it high or low and the power of the leader was it high or low don't think they don't think don't need too much description there so that actually made you can m-, eight types of groups theoretically and indeed he's claims to have found examples of each one of those two groups you know you can have marvellous relationships with lots of power and lots of structure or or various combinations you can work on that yourself w-, he also going er going on from er Bales' work he could see that there were these two functions the sort of getting down to it regardless of what people were up to er and and helping people task socio-emotional and he v-, his c-, one of his contributions was to find a way of measuring that he started actually out measuring getting everybody to sort of rate the difference between themselves and the worker they most preferred and themselves and the worker they least preferred that was his first way of measuring things but then after doing that for a while realized that everybody saw themselves as being their m-, like their most preferred coworker the difference between individuals' ratings of themselves and their most preferred coworker were very small almost non-existent 'cause people are like that and the difference between the most prefer-, themselves and the least preferred coworker is was big so he cut out the middle person the the s-, the self and just asked his subjects to rate their most preferred coworker and their least preferred coworker er and he his depend-, his measure is really the difference between the ratings you give to your most preferred coworker and the ratings you give to your least preferred coworker basically there is er it it it's a measure of discrimination you've got you know people who for whom that difference is big discriminate a lot people er for whom that difference is small like everybody and don't discriminate very much at all now he set this against his th-, types of groups and found s-, basically when the things were good for the group and the task structure was high when the leader has lots of power and the leader and follow- up relationships were good then it was best to have someone who discriminated a lot someone who just got on with it 'cause it was an easy task to do when things were really bad for the group number of you know the m-, the er the leader-member relations is bad task structure low power of the leader is low then it's also best to have er the autocractic style of leader the one who makes big discriminations it's when things are in the middle then you need s-, then you need someone who's much more sort of s-, much more sort of subtle er er the besser better leaders when in in the intervening intermediate stages is someone who makes le-, fewer discriminations between these two preferred coworkers so the message coming up from Fiedler simply is you know if things are very good just get on with it doesn't matter what the leader's like er if things are very bad it doesn't really matter you know whether the leader is sort of very friendly and in all all other cases it's better to have someone who is a bit more subtle in distinguishing between people right so that that's Fiedler's contingency model of leadership and there's a lot of research stimulated by it and it is you know and a lot of research support it which you can look fur-, er further to now coming back to or moving on really to with decision making groups i'd like now to look at risk taking and polarization as a particular er as a particular instance example th-, this this is m-, this is moving back temporarily to really decision making within groups but particularly types special types of decision making and then i think if we can move on one un-, with what we know about risk taking and group polarization and what we know about leadership that leads into group think which i'm not sure whether i shall finish today but we might do that next week look at the beginning of next week now been quite an important topic in social psychology er i think the amount of research it's generated far outweighs its importance but i suppose it's something that worked and therefore it attracted social psychologists this risk taking really was the discovery that if you if you get groups groups of people making decisions they're not averages they're not boring you know committees aren't necessarily boring but when but when people made decisions involving risk in groups they tended to be riskier than individuals and they tend to be quite a robust sort of finding the paradigm here would be you have es-, well in fact the original research had a series of sort of life dilemmas the difference between t-, moving to a new job which was m-, might pay a lot in a few years' time but there is a risk you might be sort of lose the job or taking a safe job with a sort of gold watch and a pension you never earn much but you always keep that sort of job or another example is s-, someone playing in a chess match you've got a risky move you can make yeah mean it might result in you losing the chess chess match but it might just get you some really sneaky victory so when i play chess with my son he always tries fool's mate do you ever play chess in sort of three moves you can see it coming the queen comes out the bishop comes out and you see it coming you sort of move something in the way and then you're all you're all to pieces afterwards it's a risky move co-, if the other person sees it coming good move if they don't see it coming so that's one of the dilemmas but the the paradigm is you get individuals to sort of deal with these dilemmas individually then you get them to discuss them to consensus they argue and argue until they can agree on a on a on a decision and then you get them to er er to rate them individually afterwards so you've got predecision individual measures you've got a group consensus you've got a post- group consensus individual measure that's the paradigm and you can look at the mean of the individual decisions and compare it with the consensus 'cause usually these are er you know fixed on bipolar scales in fact the dependent variable for the risk taking experiments is er the minimum odds of success you would c-, you would accept before you take the risky decision and and lo and behold the the the consensus was more risky than the the average w-, or you know what you'd have expected if it wa-, if you just looked at the average of the initial decisions now there are er a lot of well a variety of explanations that go on here and certain they take us back to the Deutsch and Gerard normative and informational aspects of group influence are wheeled out to discuss this you've got two types of dis-, two types of explanation here on the one hand there is actually what is said in the groups if you if you look at the interactions people say different things oh i wouldn't take that job and they bring in information and er you know there's a sort of informational social influence going on here in these groups but there is also th-, as a normative type of explanation as well risk is risk is cool you know being risky is a bit cool rather than being sort of boring and in as much as wider values are evoked and preferences which are really embodied in norms and values you we get an explanation in terms of the cultural values for for risk there's something else a bit of a problem with these studies and that is that sometimes people get cautious as well on some types of dilemmas people get cautious but on some dilemmas people er go for risk it's not always risky and that really led to a development of the risk taking literature group polarization it was suggested that really risk taking was quite possibly just a a specific er instance of a more general er tendency for groups to to make more extreme decisions on anything they happen to be talking about than individuals this was introduced by Moscovici and Zavalloni Journal of Personality and Social Psychology nineteen-sixty-nine and much developed af-, developed afterwards in subsequent years but polarization really refers to the fact that i-, if there is a tendency for a group in one direction or another that after a group discussion they will move more in that direction the word l-, you can talk about extrematization just becoming more extreme polarization is really a s-, er er an example of extrematization within a group if there is a a tendency for the group to have leaned in one direction to be for an issue or against an issue before a particular attitude or a point of view before it starts after group discussion they will tend to realize that point of view more than they did before they started and that's quite an important and quite a robust finding and feeds into a lot of a lot of aspects of group decision making now there are once again a variety unfortunately of explanations for this and they all seem to work the literature is full of studies which show that this works and then another study which shows well this works too if you if i try to isolate the variables that are behind this group extrematization but basically they come down to four types of explanation affective cognitive statistical and interactive and i think as i've spent too too long at the beginning i think i'll go this thus far rather than well i'm not going to be able to whip through group thinking in five minutes 'cause it'll take about ten minutes to talk about 'cause it is it is rather important so i'll just just go this far and talk about group polarization and then squeeze in i think it'll be quite comfortable next week to to squeeze in the group think factor now what have we got then are affective cognitive statistical and interactive explanations and all these are relevant to group decision making in this sort of paradigm when we're comparing individual positions with a group position affective means that that the explanation the well that the effects of discussion er are on how one feels about the issue so this is about attitude change in a way but really especially the affective how one feels how one values something after you've after you've talked about it er but clearly this is also while in passing we should we should mention that we're really talking about attitude change here as well as another sort of an interactive effect on attitude change we talked about attitude change in terms of er persuasion we talked about attitude cherm-, attitude change in terms of consistency theories reminded you of functions but there are interactive effects as well when one's dealing with attitudes looking round group effects well what does the group think you know how is this making me feel and so on so we've got we've got affective er and under this heading as well as as how how changing how one feels about the issue under discuss discussion are concepts like diffusion of responsibility you know we don't feel quite so responsible or the social comparison looking around and seeing how everybody else feels or impression management mm i don't want to be look dull or sad on this issue i'd better sort of change what i say and what i do these these are all b-, could affect how one feels about the issue under discussion and then there are cognitive explanations here here what hap-, this is the inf-, about the information content in the interaction er you just hear things that you didn't know before people give statistics people give information people give examples and of course here we're open to all those er heuristics and biases for representation people talk about what their granny did well i've already done that you know oh that that means it yes i'll take notice of that so as well as affect of course there's the information in the group is done now there are also er explanations which are really up to she-, suggests it's really artefactual if you s-, if you have a lot of people if you have a wide distribution i suppose i could let's draw this if you had if you s-, if if we could somehow imagine that this was sort of positive and this was negative and we had a sort of wide distribution of opinion and this represented neutrality couldn't care or was sort of individual if you had some people in the group who were sort of out this way and some people a couple of people who are out this way something like that now the mean position if you were to m-, measure and these experiments do measure it of their positions i guess would be somewhere around here before you start now in discussing they all might become more they all might become more reasonable if you like more neutral so they could all sort of shift in but these might shift in a bit more than those now the sort of the means of this new range of positions might be something like this so they've all moved to less extreme positions but the group mean would probably have gone out to there so we're we're we're to we're to take care in this sort of paradigm that not all apparent extrematization of the group represents extrematization or polarization of opinions it is the case in some of these experiments are quite are quite naughty in in a-, in overlooking this that it is possible for individual members all to converge to a to a sort of central position but the group i-, but for it to appear as if the group mu-, mean has er moved to a er a more extreme position er and then there are also wh-, what we might call interactive er explanations i'll just i'll just j-, j-, just make this the penultimate point and that is that just di- , different people have different styles of arguing some people are more forceful some people just say more it's not the information but it's just how relentless they are they might appear once again they might appear more influential they might appear more knowledgeable they might appear more confident they might look more attractive et cetera there are these these are variables which which sugge-, you know perhaps it is the the more polarized people just are more confident about their attitudes and there's a differentiation in the amount of influence that the indi-, that each individual has within the group so we've got four types of er interaction there and once again we can split these up back to deu-, Deutsch and Gerard's normative and information influence within groups it's either the the information that goes on in in groups or it's something about the relationship between people and their feelings that go on within groups and it seems that one way of sort of clarifying which of these explanations is going to be the more useful the more yes the more useful in describing why we get this polarization within groups is when i-, is to look really at the type of task that's in front of us if it's one that's really heavy on information and the the the right decision will just really be based not so much on attitudes or values but it'll be just knowing the right things to do working out the calculations and so on then the then obviously we're going to be in the realm of cognitive informational persuasive arguments interac-, you know persuasive arguments type of type of er explanations s-, on the other hand if what we're talking about in the group is something that involves values and preferences and er yes values and preferences values er and preferences then we're we're going to be more in the role er more in the domain of affective types of explanations so that's there's a er you'll see if you read accounts of this there's a lot of diff-, disagreement in which o-, which is the most important explanation for the polarizing effect of groups but it really does depend on us taking a wide sort of stance on the sorts of causes that there could be and looking carefully at the task and then working out er how the sor-, how each of these influences could interact with the task now i think the ta-, i think that's a good place to stop i've overrun anyway and i'm going to follow this up to talk about group group think next week which will be a sort of synthesis of what we know about leadership and what we know about er decision making and and we'll look to see how group decisions are are defective okay