nm0754: by a dominant firm i will be getting on to that in about ten minutes time so if you could have that er handy for then er and i'll assume everybody has now returned i hope you might recall that the last time i gave a lecture on this which was this was eleven o'clock last Friday i was talking about market structure in particular entry conditions and i had got really down to the last part of this subheading here a ne-, the new industrial organization approach what i want to do this morning is first of all to finish that off and also to say something about perfectly contestable markets all under the general heading of entry conditions and then to go on as i say in about ten minutes time to a very large topic er topic five in the course outline pricing decisions but i'll introduce that er when i get there you may recall that what i said at the end of the la-, of my last lecture on the new industrial organization approach particular to particularly to er towards entry conditions and market performance was that they had laid they're essentially gain theories they had laid er considerable o-, emphasis on commitment of resources by the incumbent firms in relation to new entrants or possible entrants and the credible threats to the possible position of any entry that took place that these commitments actually made if a firm simply threat-, an incumbent firm simply threatened er a potential entrant that it would do a number of things to prevent or frustrate its entry and there was not that commitment there then the threat would be empty and it would probably be ignored by the potential entrant and they the the entry will actually occur to the disadvantage of the incumbent firm i will give some examples more specific examples of that er as i get into topic er five on pricing but for the moment if you simply note that the new industrial organization approach put particular emphasis on this notion of commitment and that that commitment then offered credible threats to potential entrants my final point about this approach under three was that they were or hi-, they continue to be highly critical of the Chicago school approach to the a-, analysis of market structure and performance in particular this group thinks that the chicag-, the implicit model used by the Chicago school is oversimplified implicitly in much of their ma-, of the Chicago school's market analysis is the theory of perfect competition and the new industrial organization school regards this as highly suspect for the purposes for which it's put er by the Chicago school an extension to that is that they argue that is the new industrial organization er group argue that the Chicago school ignores the er fact that in most real world markets information is highly imperfect and that that imperfect information either particularly on the part of potential entrants that they would have far less information available to them than is available to the incumbent firms that imperfect information may make strategies on the part of incumbent firms much more plausible than if you are operating or theorizing in a world of perfect information if everybody's got perfect information the Chicago school argument may make more sense in real world markets that information er is far from perfect and er that may therefore make it possible and logical for incumbent firms to pursue a number of strategies er to deter or coerce potential and actual entrants and again i will refer back to that point when i'm talking about various aspects of pricing policies which i'm about to come on to so they are highly critical of the Chicago school particularly for its oversimplified theoretical approach for their er assumption that there is usually something like perfect information and if you drop those assumptions then you can come up with quite different conclusions finally on on this er er topic of entry conditions i want to mention a theory that i'm sure a number of you are already familiar with from other courses the theory of perfectly contestable markets note the word contestable not competitive in fact one of the points that i will draw to your attention if you're not already aware of it is that this theory the new one [cough] comes to the same conclusions as far as the performance of the markets are concerned as the perfectly competitive model but it has some quite er different er prediction w-, i-, it the the the structure of of the markets involved are quite different from those involved in the perfectly competitive model perfectly conte-, a perfectly contestable market is one where there are zero entry barriers and zero exit costs it's that emphasis on zero entry barriers is which is why i particularly thought it appropriate to mention it in the present context the notion of zero exit barriers implies that the any entrant firm to that market incurs zero sunk costs so a firm th-, th-, th-, the theory isn't assuming that a firm doesn't actually have to incur production costs if it enters the market but what it is [cough] in its perfect form assuming is that an entrant can come in and produce without incurring any sunk costs there are zero entry barriers that theory in its perfect form has quite dramatic predictions in particular it predicts that the properties of a perfectly contestable market will be exactly the same as those of a perfectly competitive market however it predicts that those results will hold even if you've only have two or three firms operating in the market now that of course is quite dramatically different from what you predict from the theory of perfect competition the theory of perfectly contestable markets is saying that if you have free entry and free exit you will have in equilibrium prices equal to marginal costs you will have all firms producing at minimum unit costs they will the industry output will be produced at minimum cost and they will the market would clear all consumers will be satisfied at a price which is equal to marginal cost even if you only have two firms or three or four firms in the market now that seems at first glance perhaps counter- intuitive because one has normally gr-, gr-, grown up with the idea that if you have a highly concentrated market that is consisting of only two or three firms they will in fact be able to wield considerable market power what is driving the whole of that result in perfe-, the the perfectly con-, er testable market er theory what it drives the entire result is the free entry and the free exit without going into too much detail essentially what er the theory predicts is that if the an incumbent firm in such a market tries to raise its price above marginal cost an entrant can m-, immediately appear undercut that price so long as it's in excess of marginal cost make a profit if the incumbent firm responds to that price cut if the incumbent for example drops its own price to marginal cost then the new firm having made a profit previously can then leave costlessly the knowledge on the part of the incumbent firm that that is the case that is if it tries to rise its price or if there are two or three or firms incumbent firms if they try t-, try to raise their price it would immediately provoke entry and the price will then sink to marginal cost will mean that the incumbent firms will be unable to raise their price above er marginal cost the significance therefore of the notion of perfectly free entry and exit you can see it's i hope it's significant that here was a theory which was saying even if you've got very highly concentrated oligopolies if these conditions hold then you needn't worry there are there are very few policy policies you need adopt towards such industries because they will produce a performance which is in line with that of a perfectly competitive market the problem with the theory [cough] is well sorry before i get on to that let me simply emphasize that the theory first made its appearance in the late seventies by the early eighties it had it had already been fed in to policy decisions in the United States and by the mid-eighties it was having an influence on policy decisions in Britain as well in a white paper in the middle of nineteen-eighties for example on the er deregulation of the local bus markets the notion of a contestable market was er actually used and it was discussed at some length the argument being that these markets were contestable and therefore er they would be put in a competitive performance notice i there said contestable rather than perfectly contestable the problem as it arose in the debate in the uni-, over this in the United States was that a number of policy makers were saying well these markets are approximately contestable therefore there is no need for us to worry particularly in civil aviation which the Americans were deregulating at that time a lot of mergers were proposed under the influence essentially of this theory of perfectly con-, perfect contestability the authorities then said well although this these mergers will concentrate the industry or the-, they will concentrate these particular parts of the of the market we will not intervene to try to prevent these mergers or look at them more closely because we are advised that these are contestable markets if you if an entrant i-, if they try to raise their price after the merger entrants would come in and drive the price down er so it's a relatively recent theory it has an almost im-, er immediate impact on policy discussions both in the United States and in Britain and elsewhere the notion of contestability has passed very much into the economic literature the problem with it all however is that the theory is non-robust i'm using that term in its technical sense any scientific theory to be robust has to have the following characteristic that if you if the assumptions of the theory do not hold completely or perfectly but they hold approximately then for a theory to be robust under those circumstances the predictions must only change slightly you could say that the theory of perfect competition is a robust theory because if the assumptions are not met completely but approximately in such a theory the results don't change very much you still get prices approximately in line with marginal cost in the theory of perfect competition if the assumptions don't hold completely so a robust theory is one where if the assumptions don't hold perfectly but approximately the predictions don't change very much my er critique or er th-, the critique of others as well about the theory of perfect contestability is that if you change the assumptions slightly the predictions change dramatically it's very unstable let me give you an example of how what i mean by that if fo-, let us say in a particular market which a number of people have said is contestable if there are inevitable delays between a firm announcing that it's coming into the market and it actually managing to produce and if in coming into the market the f-, the entrant has to incur some sunk costs they can only be they only need be slight sunk costs so if there's a delay a slight delay between saying i will come into the market the firm has to build up its capacity there's a delay between the announcement and the actual production and also if there are some slight exit costs sunk costs incur for the firm has to incur to come into the market then the predictions of the the model are dramatically different an incumbent firm in such a market can charge the monopoly price or if it's two or three firms they can charge near the monopoly price they can charge near the monopoly price until the entrant appears they can then immediately drop their price to marginal cost the entrant having finally come in to production would then make no money in fact it would make a loss it would make a loss equal to its sunk costs if the entrant is aware of that it would not come into the market so the sequence is this that with slight alterations i-, if the the notion of a perfectly contestable market is not met if you make slight changes in the assumptions even though the market may be approximately contestable it may has a dramatic difference in the prediction because it means that the incumbent firms will continually be able to charge something approaching a monopoly price entry will not occur because the entrants will say i will have to incur slight sunk costs to get into this market and i won't be able to recover them and i won't make any money because as soon i appear and produce the price will collapse to marginal cost now the emphasis in this theory on sunk costs i think is important that's possibly its most important contribution i'm really i suppose offering you a warning that whenever you see er contestability or contestable markets mentioned in the literature ask yourself the question is this a fudge is the person talking about market X as being contestable do do they mean that it's approximately contestable in which case you need to ask the further question what does that actually mean does it mean that the firms are able to charge a near monopoly price because as i've indicated the theory is non-robust and er the predictions are or can be very dramatically different if you alter the assumptions only slightly from the perfect case the reason for emphasizing that er is that it has had a very im-, wide impact on the literature i'm sure that you've in your microeconomics for example you may well have encountered discussions of this as a an abstract theory the the notion of perfect contestability works but as soon as you move away from the perfect the the the [cough] perfect version of it the predictions go all over the place entry conditions therefore are quite crucial in the predictions for market conduct and market performance what i want to do now is to go on to a very large topic indeed this is topic five on page two of the course outline pricing decisions and it is a very large topic and i want to [cough] deal with it under two main headings i'm assuming that you have a pretty good knowledge of let us say the theory of simple monopoly the theory of perfect competition i'm going to be dealing with essentially with two forms of imperfect competition and i'm going to divide that up essentially into a market structure which i will characterize as being a structure with one dominant firm and i'll say a word in a moment about what i mean with by dominance as opposed to monopoly there are var-, a number of variations on the theme of pricing in dominant markets which i've listed here all of this incidentally will take me quite a long while to get through so there's no need to make a note of all of it now i think perhaps if you went down to there for the moment that would cover what i'm going to say this morning er so the first market structure concerns not monopoly but something approaching that er a market structure with a dominant firm the second one w-, the second group of er markets that i want to talk about which is not on this er slide but which will be on another one is oligopoly which you're a-, familiar with i'm sure from microeconomics in a general way i will make er that much more precise when i come on to it but it forms the second group of topics within this general under this general heading of pricing decisions which if you look at the course outline gives under the subheading two pricing problems in oligopoly what do i then mean by the di-, or making the distinction between dominance and monopoly we all know what a monopoly is that it's a single firm case where the firm is in sole control of a market and it's protected by such high entry barriers that its position is er not vulnerable to competition and the f-, and we can then analyse i-, from the simple theory of monopoly what the predictions about price and output will be as i've said in some contexts er already er it's very rare in the real world for firms to be in that happy position of being a complete monopoly in the real world you very often however have an approximation to dominance er for example seem to have lost my example at the moment oh here we are i undertook a study in the middle eighties from er a large number of monopolies as it was then called the monopolies and mergers commission and i was quite it was quite easy for me to find twenty-two markets this er the the period covered was the middle seventies to the middle eighties it was quite easy to find a number of markets that they had investigated where the first firm had a share of fifty per cent or above in some cases it was much higher than that it was sort of eighty or ninety per cent and the second largest firm or firms were were more than ha-, were only half or less of the size in terms of market share of the dominant firm so although in many cases er in the real world you don't have monopoly you only have those usually in the case of natural monopoly the notion of dominance as i want to use it is quite frequent you do frequently find one firm with a very sizeable market share as a rule of thumb if you like upwards of fifty per cent of the market possibly much higher than that and where the second largest firm is much smaller with a a share of perhaps under ten per cent or a number of firms all of whom have quite small er market shares now my er i will therefore mean by dominance that sort of market structure the size distribution of firms is highly skewed you've got one firm in pretty much in command of the market but a number of other firms operating in the market in competition that market structure can be modelled by the dominant firm and the competitive fringe case an example of which i have given round as a diagram and which i want to say something er about now the essential questions that i want to address in talking about this model are the following and this is exactly the diagram that you should have in front of you the sort of questions i want to address are these to what extent is a firm in this dominant position to what extent is it constrained in its pricing behaviour by the presence of the the smaller fringe of firms and what strategies does it have for trying to control that fringe to its own advantage right well this diagram which may at first glance look extremely complicated does or can be broken down into s-, i hope some fairly straightforward components we start out with the line M-D which stands for market demand the related marginal revenue curve or line is denoted M-R the l-, the horizontal line M-C-D is the marginal costs of the dominant firm so you've got a market demand curve its related marginal revenue curve treating or on the assumption for the moment that we have a monopoly our dominant firm's marginal costs are horizontal a-, at er M-C but they are made horizontal for to make the diagram rather simpler than it would be if we had a curve doesn't actually affect the result now let's start with the position let's suppose that this is not a dominant firm it's a monopoly if it was to charge a simple monopoly price then on well known principles it would seek out this equality here between marginal revenue and marginal cost and the monopoly price is P-M and as a monopolist it would charge Q-M for that output now that's if you like the starting point remember on-, one of the questions i wanted to pose of this model is well how is the behaviour of such a firm constrained by the presence of a fringe small much smaller competitors we've now got a line er an upward sloping line marked S-F which s-, stands for the supply by small fringe firms that is upward sloping for normal supply reasons that is if the price is higher it th-, th-, th-, the price that the output can command is higher more will be supri-, supplied we can note as well that if we look at the point P-zero or P-O on the vertical axis at a price below that the fringe doesn't supply anything at all in other words the fringe fringe's costs are higher than the costs of the dominant firm by assumption at a price P-zero or below they will supply nothing let's look at a pr-, at er the the equivalent point on the demand curve opposite P-F in this diagram which i'm showing by the position of my pencil at the moment we trace that through onto the demand curve if the price rose to P-F the implications from basic analysis is that the fringe at that price would be supplying the whole output the whole market it would be supplying enough to clear the market at the price P-F for our purposes therefore the relevant price range is P-F P-0 over that range the fringe supplies part or all in the limit of the market and it's upward sloping as i've indicated because the pri-, the higher the price the more will be supplied we make the further assumption now given this structure that we if we had our dominant firm with the fringe the dominant firm makes the price it optimizes given the presence of that fringe the fringe suppliers because they're so small by assumption simply take that as a para-, parametric price they can't affor-, er can't er affect it they will simply supply according to that er as if you if you like as a fixed market price depending on what price has been fixed by the dominant firm now what how therefore does under those assumptions and this er market structure how does the dominant firm determine its price and output well the line that i have marked in this diagram as R-D which is this line here this is that stands for residual demand and it is simply the market demand minus whatever amount at the price specified is supplied by the fringe suppliers the line R-D is residual demand we are taking away from the market demand the amount supplied by the fringe suppliers to leave us with a residual demand R-D that is the demand given the presence of the fringe that is the demand on which the dominant firm optimizes related to that curve or line R-D is the residual marginal revenue curve M-R-R in the diagram so we've got the dominant firm taking account of the fringe suppliers it goes through or in in er in principle it goes through the mental process of actual subtracting from the market demand what the fringe will supply and then optimizes er on that residual demand curve we can then proceed to see what the the dominant firm does this is still its marginal cost this is now its marginal revenue so the relevant intersection is this point here on the residual demand curve that implies because it's directly above the intersection of marginal cost and marginal revenue that implies a price of P-R the dominant firm is optimizing given its marginal cost and given its relevant marginal revenue which is M-R-R the relevant intersection is at this point here reading off from the demand curve the optimizing for the monopolies the optimizing price is P-R you may well say well the market won't the whole market won't clear at that price because if this firm is only supplying Q-R at that which it would do the dominant firm is only supplying Q-R at that price an amount Q-S is demanded well of course the gap this dashed line here the gap is filled by the fringe they account for an amount of the supply Q- R-Q-S and the market will clear at the price P-R so what we've got is the dominant firm producing Q-R optimizing its position i-, its position given the constraint offered by the fringe suppliers the fringe suppliers will take that market that that price has given they're not going to try to effect it because they're too small in relation to the total they supply Q-R-Q-S what we can note about this is compared with the simple monopoly case where we had a price of P- M and an output Q-M the price because of the presence of apparently insignificant small firms the price is quite different the price has dropped to P-R and the amount supplied by the fringe is is as i've indicated so the price is quite amoun-, an amount lower as a result of the presence of the fringe and of course the amount sold is lower consumers therefore undoubtedly benefit from the presence of the fringe even though they may appear on the face of it to be rather insignificant let me stop there for a moment and ask if anybody wants me to go through any of that again because i know at er first this is your first look at that it it's quite complicated does anybody want me to go through any of it again yes can you pinpoint where you would like me to to go through sm0755: yeah just one small bit i didn't catch why the range between P-nought and P-F i understand the lower range being P-nought but not why the upper range should be P-F nm0754: well o-, the the upper range er it where the supply curve of the fringe cuts the demand curve on basic supply and demand principles the fringe would simply be would would sell er well it a-, it it looks as if it's a-, almost identical with Q-R but that was an unintentional the fringe would supply the entire market demand at a price as high as P-F and the lower level as is as you've indicated is simply that as its costs are higher at a price P no-, P- O or below it doesn't supply anything a-, they they don't supply anything at all yes sf0756: just ask what was residual demand is that for nm0754: no it's it's the the do-, the er the mental process we assume that the the dominant firm goes through is this i know roughly what the market demand is i know what the fringe will supply i will subtract from the market demand what the fringe will supply if i charge this price and then i will optimize on that resulting demand cu-, or or residual demand curve sf0756: so it's the dominant curve nm0754: so it's the des-, dominant firm er residual demand curve it then chooses its its optimum price and the fringe will then fill if you like fill the gap sf0756: rest nm0754: yes er now some observations on that model if you like juxtaposing some fairly casual empirical observations with the theoretical model one of those is this that it's been observed over quite long periods of time that dominant firms once they have achieved a position of dominance tend to be around for a very long while they their market share may decline er over time and i'm now talking about very often decades rather than just a sh-, few months or even a couple of years their market share may decline over quite a long period of time but on the whole there are some spectacular exceptions but on the whole dominant firms once they've achieved a position a-, as i've been talking about in their market they don't give up their dominance very easily some firms er in w-, er in our theoretical terms er in our fringe may encroach on the be able to encroach on the position of the dominant firm but their ability to do that ap-, apparently from the historical records seems to be quite er limited in addition to that we must reckon with the fact that the dominant firm may have as long as it can get away with it from a policy perspective may have a number of strategies open to it for ensuring that even if its market share has declined for a little while over a few years it can try to regain that er position er by using a number of strategies er the most extreme of those i suppose until quite recently was the dominant firm in the British s-, er cement industry where er for for a number of er extraneous reasons the market share of this dominant firm is known for a very long period indeed throughout er the nineteen-hundreds er sorry throughout the from nineteen-hundred to the year about nineteen-eighty nineteen-ninety its market share almost remained unchanged what happened was that this dominant firm achieved its dominance through er a massive merger in just prior to the First World War it had er a very large market share then it started declining somewhat what it did was to to o-, over a number of decades it simply when that happened it simply acquired its nearest rival now you could say well that is now that sort of behaviour is now constrained by er competition policy and that would be correct but it seems to have been able to get away with that strategy for a quite long while so even though the the fringe if you like er in that market was the the the w-, the the amount to this er fringe supply curve getting more elastic the fringe would be supplying more and more to recover its position in that example the firm simply acquired its nearest rival so one way of retrieving its market share was by acquisition er [cough] another way of shifting this curve to the dominant firm's advantage may be for example if the dominant firm in a sense overbuys a crucial input both the dominant firm and the fringe firms may have to sup-, have to use certain crucial inputs if the dominant firm deliberately as a piece of strategy buys up in any a particular time period more than it knows it's going to use for its own output that will tend to push up the price of that input and raise the cost not only to the dominant firm but to the fringe firm and you may say well why push up its own costs i-, i know that the fringe firm's costs are er rising as well but why do that surely as a piece of strategy it seems very shortsighted but as far as the dominant firm is concerned it can do a rough calculation that if it can impose on the admitted-, already higher cost fringe firms greater burdens than itself 'cause as the dominant firm it may be more capital intensive and these may be er variable costs rather than fixed costs so long as the amount of cost increased that it can impose on the fringe are greater than on itself and if it does retrieve its market share in so doing that is it therefore generates more revenue it will be worthwhile it doing that so one way of shifting the fringe supply to its own advantage would be to overbuy on a crucial input thus pushing up the price both to itself and to er its fringe rivals but so long as its retrieval of its market share generates an a-, increase in revenue greater than the increase in cost for it it will be worth its while another more er the same sort of strategy might be for the dominant firm to try to press through lobbying for a change in the regulations for example governing the industry which may have a greater impact on the smaller fringe firms than on it as the established dominant firm there are a number of ways that it might be able to do that for example if the change regulation affects only new entrants rather than established firms their costs may be higher or the increase in cost may be higher than the increase in costs for the dominant firm a number of strategies might be possible therefore for changing the er the position of this fringe supply if it's successful what that would mean is that it would be moving up in that direction it'd be rising so that at each price the fringe will be able to supply less if the dominant firm is successful er in raising both its own and costs to the fringe as another piece of strategy it might attempt to shift the residual demand curve we talk-, i talked about shifting the fringe supply curve what it might also try to do is to shift the residual demand curve it might do this and this will depend of cou-, to a s-, er a large extent on the nature of the product it might do this by undertaking for example a very heavy er advertising campaign to swing demand towards its product away from the products of the fringe supply now that what that would do would be to push out the residual demand curve meaning that it would comm-, not only command a higher price but the dominant firm would supply more of the market than previously and again as long as the shift in the demand which would generate more revenue for the firm the dominant firm so long as that is greater than the increasing cost that it's incurring through in my example the advertising it would pay it to er to do that as an alternative to that sort of strategy that is in in shifting directly shifting the residual demand or the fringe supply much more aggressively the dominant firm and i think i'm er i hinted at this a-, in my one of my earlier lectures the dominant firm may actually decide to try to exploit much more aggressively the learning curve you remember i mentioned that in some industries not by no means all but in some industries learning effects are very very important the dominant firm may therefore try to move very very rapidly down that learning curve which implies that it would charge a very low price now in the limit in our theoretical scheme of of the such a market it may actually push the price towards or at or near P- 0 in which case the amount of fringe supply would be very very small note that by assumption i don't think it's a er it's not a very imp-, i think it's very plausible assumption the assumption however is that the dominant firm has lower costs to start with if and we'd have to change in my learning curve case we'd probably have to ma-, draw a different sort of marginal cost curve but if there are important learning effects the dominant firm may be able t-, or may er mo-, or try to move very rapidly down that learning curve charge a very low price which means that the fringe supply er would be the {st}fringe suppliers would be struggling and their er market share would be reduced important questions i will leave you with because i want to take it up bit later on in a later lecture is this if the dominant firm did see it is it in its own interests as as charging a price below P-zero or P-O in this diagram if it decided that it would be in in its own interests in the short run to price below P- O is that predatory is it anti-competitive and i will take up the question of er predatory behaviour in a subsequent lecture in more detail and try to address that question which for the moment i will leave you with let me sum up then on the er outcome of a model of this kind the prices if you have a structural of of market where you have a dominant firm and a fringe supply the prices with the fringe are lower [cough] than without the fringe and of course the output is therefore higher consumers therefore benefit historically it's the second point historically dominant firms' shares have tended to erode but that erosion is very slow generally even if they can't use mer-, the merger route to reclaim their or regain their market share because of competition policy they may be able to recover their market share more er subtly if you like by trying to shift either the fringe supply curve or the residual demand curve my final point on that is that in the same study which i referred to earlier on this morning er over a quite a long period it varied a little bit but it was something of the order of forty or fifty years in a sample of nineteen dominant firms defined in the way that i defi-, i mentioned earlier on that is the dominant firm had fifty plus share of the market thirteen of those shares declined in this thirty to forty year period or remained unchanged [cough] within a percentage point or two thirteen of a sample of nineteen declined or remained unchanged and six increased in this period so these they were already dominant they increased their share the final point [cough] i will make on this er from that same study is that in each case even though they declined they remained the market leader so i will leave you with two things dominant firms take a long while to decline but they re-, tend to re-, even if they do decline they retain their dominance or their leading p-, position in the market secondly which i will open with er next Friday second question if dominant firms remain a-, around a long while and apparently their market share only declines fairly gently in addition to the strategies that i have already mentioned are there other strategies that they can use to prevent their share from eroding from new entry and the question i will address at the beginning of next time is precisely that is it logical for example for dominant firms to use limit pricing that is to charge a lower price in the short run to deter entry in order to maintain a higher profits for themselves in the long run and i will stop there