nm0093: good morning [1.0] how are you all [0.2] all right [2.7] good [0.3] 
just a few notices [0.2] just a reminder after this er [0.6] er today [0.2] er 
one o'clock [0.7] in room H-four-o-three there's an open [0.6] day for 
potential graduate students so if you're thinking of going on doing er [0.5] er 
graduate work [0.7] postgraduate work in er this university or elsewhere go 
along and er chat [0.5] er have a discussion [0.3] room H-four-o-three [1.2] 
secondly this [0.2] same time next week [0.4] and in this room [0.2] there will 
be a session for er [0.3] students [0.2] for [0.2] third year students er er a 
sort of careers session [0.3] b-, w-, there'll be publicity going up over the 
next week [0.3] but it's targeted at you [0.5] er so if you're [0.5] thinking 
you might like a job at the end of all this [0.4] [laughter] er [laughter] 
whatever [0.4] er that is that could be helpful and useful for you so trees [0.
3] b-, er book that time [0.2] this th-, this place [0.5] one o'clock 
after the lecture next week [0.2] and there'll be a session [0.5] and then 
thirdly i'm told [0.3] that there is a er [0.3] sign up notice [0.2] about 
library skills er sessions [0.5] er aimed at second and third year students 
intended to focus on library reference and bibiliographical sources [0.5] in 
the library and also remote sites accessed via the Internet [0.7] er [0.3] this 
is [0.4] i mean i know you probably all know all this stuff anyway but 
particularly if you're going to do a long essay [0.3] associated with your 
special subject or whatever this year [0.4] this could be very helpful for you 
[0.4] so there there there is a [0.7] er two two times so it's on a sign up 
basis it'll be on the board [0.3] one is er [1.2] actually good lord it's today 
i wonder why i've been given this to to talk today [0.3] it's at one o'clock so 
er there's again there's another clash [0.3] er there for you [0.4] er [0.4] so 
i would just turn up and it's in er library training room [0.2] i-, floor one 
of the library 
nm0093: 
the Annales [1.3] we left it last week [0.4] er just [0.2] in the post-war [0.
8] moment [0.8] er [0.9] in which [0.2] f-, [0.2] academic life in France as 
most of the wester-, the rest of the western Europe [0.4] is re-, [0.7] 
reorganizing itself if you like in the aftermath of er er the war [0.7] and [0.
6] as i argued what happens then is that [0.6] er an intellectual grouping 
associated with [0.8] a history periodical [0.2] the Annales [0.7] er which in 
the s-, from its inception in nineteen-twenty-nine through the thirties [0.4] 
had been a crusading [0.4] a crusading journal if you like for a new kind [0.4] 
er of history [0.6] er [0.6] secures a very firm institutional base [0.3] at 
the heart of the of higher education and er [0.4] er the research establishment 
[0.3] er within er er within France [1.2] and that [0.3] what that stood for 
was er a greater openness in French er in the French historical establishment 
[0.2] er thereafter [0.6] er [0.2] towards [0.5] social [0.3] economic [0.2] 
and cultural history i mean the [0.2] the journal [0.5] ref-, rec-, renamed 
itself as i as i mentioned last time the Annales has gone through a number of 
[0.5] er [0.3] changes of name [0.5] er rech-, [0.2] changed its name to 
Annales [0.3] 
well it's usually E-S-C [0.2] économies economies sociétés societies 
civilisation [0.6] er [0.6] economy [0.2] soci-, s-, e-, [0.2] economic history 
social history [0.2] cultural history that's the sort of triad of values which 
this [0.9] new type of history of the thirties had established [0.3] a move 
away from the politico [0.3] er er e-, political [0.3] elitist type of 
narrative history which had been as i was arguing was the norm [0.4] in er 
French historical [0.5] departments or establishments er hither-, hitherto [0.
7] and that [0.4] and this is the last point i i left you with really [0.4] it 
is at that moment that there appears [0.4] a work which would be the flagship 
[0.2] if you like of the Annales [0.4] approach which er Lucien Febvre [0.4] 
who is the s-, the do-, doctoral [0.2] supervisor [0.2] the doctoral er of of 
this doctoral dissertation [0.4] er f-, Lucien Febvre says i-, [0.2] it's 
everything we've been looking for and waiting [0.4] er for [0.5] it will be the 
work of [0.3] a man Fernand Braudel [0.3] who had spent most of the er Second 
World War [0.4] in a prisoner of war camp in Germany [0.4] and there had 
written on [0.3] old school [0.2] er notebooks [0.3] the 
core of a thesis which he'd researched [0.4] er in the nineteen-thirties in a 
number of er er locations [0.4] er which were sustained as a thesis and which 
was published in nineteen-forty-nine as [0.4] The Mediterranean [0.3] and the 
Mediterranean World [0.4] in the Age of Philip the Second [0.2] published in 
nineteen-forty-nine author Fernand Braudel [0.4] Mediterranean and the 
Mediterranean World [0.4] in the Age of er er Philip the Second the sixteenth 
century [0.2] er broadly speaking [0.7] this a classic work and if you're doing 
the Annales [1.0] you do Braudel [0.4] you know about this er er this work [0.
5] he had been a pupil of er Lucien Febvre a doctoral student working under 
Lucien Febvre in the nineteen-er -thirties [0.5] he'd [0.2] had a number of 
postings including one in São Paulo in er Argentina [0.3] but had spent as i 
say most of the war in a concentration camp where he was sort of writing up 
very good place to write up i would think a as long as you can get paper and 
pen [0.3] a conc-, a concentration camp doesn't have the sort of 
diversions of er [0.4] er other sort of er er localities bit grim sometimes i'm 
sure but er [0.4] er [0.5] er [0.5] publishes it nineteen-forty-nine goes into 
a re-edition in nineteen-seventy-two it is one of the classics of twentieth 
century historiography [0.2] why what's so special about it [0.4] and [0.3] 
more pertinently for what we're saying now how does it link up to [0.4] er [0.
3] that new kind of history why is it seen as a sort of er a role model a 
flagship of this new genre [0.3] of Annales style history [0.8] well one thing 
you can say about it absolutely it is not the kind of small scale study [0.3] 
which [0.4] Febvre and Bloch had argued before history had been obsessed with 
before you know ministries and er [0.4] kings and all the rest of it [0.5] it 
is [0.4] er [0.2] a massive it has a massive focus it is [0.2] at the heart of 
the study is the history of a sea [0.2] the Mediterranean Sea not even a small 
sea [0.4] er a very big [0.3] er er sea it's not small se-, er er small scale 
[0.6] it is non-Eurocentric because one of the interesting things about this is 
er one of the numerous things which are 
interesting about it [0.4] is that it is er [0.3] a s-, er the Mediterranean is 
a [0.2] er a sea which abuts on two three [0.2] er continents and therefore you 
can write [0.2] a history which is not as Eurocentric as most of the history 
had been written er hitherto he's as interested in other words [0.4] in the 
southern [0.2] and eastern shores of the er Mediterranean as its er European [0.
3] er er er er fringe as well [0.9] it is very clearly an anti [0.3] well even 
yes i think anti certainly non but even anti politicocentric [0.3] er text as 
well [0.4] and [0.3] er br-, Braudel tells the story how of how when he was 
starting his er doctoral research [0.4] he he wanted to work on the diplomatic 
history [0.3] of the age of Philip the Second [0.5] er [0.4] and indeed that 
study is still there but it's encased er i-, within a much broader [0.3] er 
framework as as er we'll see [1.6] it is fourthly [0.4] avowedly and very [0.3] 
sort of magnificently interdisciplinary [0.5] er sociology economics cultural 
history [0.5] er [0.4] demography [0.2] i think that's coming in as well in 
other words the study of population [0.3] in the past through 
quantitive er er m-, er materials assembled in any way through parish records 
or [0.4] or whatever i think that's one of the big [0.8] you know developments 
in post-war French history the way in which population history gets written 
into [0.3] er the way in which French history er er is done [0.8] and the other 
discipline i think which it draws very heavily on and which again goes back to 
the Annales [0.4] sort of paradigm is geography [0.5] er you know this is a a 
geographical history in fact sometimes called [0.5] geohistory Braudel's 
geohistory as it you see that sometimes in er referred to [0.5] er [0.9] it's 
got a hero this st-, story this narrative but the hero's not a man or a woman 
[0.3] it's a sea [0.5] er the sea is absolutely at the heart the the you know 
the topic of the [0.3] of the of the book [0.5] and he goes on i mean one of 
one of the other works which he does which i think isn't quite as er as er sort 
of earth shattering as this really [0.3] er [0.3] on capitalism in the early 
modern period [0.3] which again is [0.6] goes on from this and tr-, tries to 
see [0.4] er [0.6] do a history of not just the s-, 
the Mediterranean but of the whole [0.2] the whole world a sort of global 
history er which brings in the geographical factors in particular and which is 
very interdisciplinary [0.4] er a-, and whatever so [0.4] extremely 
interdisciplinary and this is something which he continues er with [1.0] and 
another [0.6] i think central feature of the work which i'd really highlight 
which i think is what brau-, one of the things that Braudel brings to [0.5] er 
the Annales [0.4] framework or the Annales paradigm and gives it a sort of very 
distinctive feel about [0.4] is his notion of time so when i'm talking about 
fernel [0.4] Fernand Braudel's time i'm not just thinking of the moment of 
Fernand Braudel [0.3] the advent of for-, Fernand Braudel in the late forties 
i'm thinking also [0.4] of his notion of [0.4] er er er time [1.5] it links his 
notion of time links back to those critiques of narrative [0.3] and political 
narrative which Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch [0.3] were making agai-, er er in 
the past [0.6] er [0.3] against that sort of political emphasis [0.2] er er o-, 
on er er l-, er against that idea 
that [0.4] history had to be told through the narrative of a ruling elite or a 
king or a ministry [0.3] er or whatever [0.3] and [0.3] implicit in that 
against the idea that time is something which is linear [0.6] linear and can be 
followed [0.3] by a narrative er mode so you just you know history is what 
happened next [0.4] er er if you like and that comes out [0.4] er in [0.2] in 
the way in which history er was and to a certain extent is written by many [0.
4] er er people [2.8] not only is it unilinear is it [0.2] it is also 
homogeneous [0.4] er so basically [0.3] it [0.2] follows the same frameworks as 
political history how many of us not have not read something like [0.8] you 
know Society in the Age of er [0.2] Louis the Fourteenth or Population in 
Society in Victorian England so accepting the political framework and working 
within [0.4] er with those [0.8] for Braudel [0.5] time i think had little to 
do with dates of kings and ministries [0.4] er but rather [0.4] time [0.3] er 
pulsates to social economic [0.3] cultural [0.4] even geographical [0.3] er 
rhythms [2.1] in the [0.3] preface to The Mediterranean World he 
says he sort of started on this biography well this diplomatic history rather 
[0.3] of er Phillip the Second [0.5] and [0.2] he [0.4] decided he'd work not 
just on Spanish diplomatic documents but as many diplomatic documents as he 
could so he look-, went all over the Mediterranean all over Europe looking at 
other [0.4] er er records [0.4] and he said there came a moment there came a 
moment [0.2] and he got interested in population and society and economics and 
all the rest of it [0.5] there came a moment when he s-, he s-, said he 
suddenly had a sort of moment of realization [0.5] that Philip the Second who 
after all was going to be the hero the centre [0.4] the absolute centre of this 
study [0.3] was and i'm quoting [0.4] more acted upon [0.2] than actor [0.4] he 
was plus agi qu'acteur he was more acted upon [0.4] er than actor [0.4] now 
this obviously is recalling and i think probably fairly consciously [0.4] er 
the i-, er in in by Braudel the idea [0.3] outlined by Marx in The Eighteenth 
Brumaire that [0.5] man as er [0.2] Marx put it makes his own history [0.4] but 
not under conditions of his 
own choosing [0.2] okay [0.4] and that [0.3] what i-, [0.3] ca-, we can see if 
we're not careful as human [0.7] freedom of choice or freedom or or or or will 
[0.5] can sometimes be conditioned by social [0.3] economic [0.3] er all sorts 
of other factors which are [0.3] having a determining [0.2] but not always 
conscious influence [0.3] on the actions of a particular [0.4] er er person [0.
3] so i think from that [0.5] from that moment of realization that Phillip the 
Second more acted upon than actor [0.5] more a a pawn if you like [0.3] in the 
in in in the in the web of er complex and interlocking [0.3] determinisms [0.3] 
than someone absolutely at the heart of and on top of the action which er [0.4] 
was taking place under under his reign [0.4] er [0.2] i think [0.4] Braudel [0.
2] builds and i-, constructs a really quite complicated [0.3] so i'll take some 
time over it but i think important [0.4] notion of [0.3] time how the t-, 
historian should deal with [0.4] er time which is after all [0.2] the substance 
of what historical work is about or it certainly its mode [0.6] of er er the 
way in which it unravels [1.3] basically what Braudel goes on and says [0.5] i 
[0.4] from this realization is 
that [1.0] maybe i was too obsessed [0.2] and maybe other historians have been 
too obsessed [0.4] with [0.2] the surface if you like of the past [0.5] they've 
just sort of like gone for [0.4] the big political actors [0.2] you know [0.5] 
kings queens ministers [0.4] er or whatever [0.5] and they've told the story of 
the surface [0.5] okay [0.4] er a king dies a minister falls er a war breaks 
out a war ends er or whatever [0.5] this is if you like the history of events 
[0.3] this is [0.4] er [0.4] to give you another word [0.5] er phrase which [0.
3] if you do Annales you have to know the Annales you have to [0.6] throw this 
in [0.7] event history or l'histoire événementielle [2.2] entiel [0.4] so you 
know this is definitely dinner party talk here [0.5] l'histoire 
événementielle [0.4] sort of narrative history event history [0.4] er at the 
s-, [0.3] surface at the topmost surface [0.4] er [0.4] of of the past the most 
visible [0.4] the most newsworthy if you like part of history [2.4] and what [0.
2] Braudel argues is the historian's job is not just to record that not just to 
[0.3] tell that story but also to er [0.2] see the forces which are 
underlying it [0.2] and which condition [0.4] and determine it as well [0.4] 
and the metaphor which he uses to to sort of get this sense that [0.9] that 
sort of top level that surface level of event history is only one dimension or 
one a-, [0.2] level of the story [0.4] the metaphor he uses is of the sea [0.6] 
he says [0.4] basically what historians have been interested in the past is 
like [0.5] the froth of history [0.3] the froth you know the little waves going 
up and down a king falls [0.6] war breaks out and all the rest of it [0.5] that 
sort of level they followed the surface level [0.5] of the er of the ocean [1.
0] but there are tides [1.3] if you're the do the er if you're an oceanographer 
you need to know about tides [0.5] if you're an oceanographer you need to know 
about the deep [0.7] the linear history the surface history [0.4] l'histoire 
événementielle [0.3] is only one of what he s-, argues are three levels of if 
you like [0.3] er of of of time which the historian has to try and deal [0.3] 
er deal with [0.9] now [0.5] those three levels are in fact [0.4] in The 
Mediterranean and Mediterranean World 
the three [0.5] sections in which he [0.2] he he does he divides the book [0.5] 
and there is an event history as i say he started off doing diplomatic history 
of Philip er the Second [0.3] and there is a sort of diplomatic history of the 
reign of Phillip the se-, [0.3] er Philip the Second [0.5] but it's the third 
part [0.2] and i think that's quite symptomatic in other words [0.7] it's 
probably not the most important the most important is what comes first [0.3] er 
and second and part one [1.7] is [0.5] if you like the deep [0.4] the o-, the 
oceanic er metaphor the deep those [0.4] deep [0.3] and barely mutable 
structures [0.3] within which men [0.3] of the six-, and women of the sixteenth 
century [0.3] er lived [0.4] things like mountains [0.3] islands [0.5] 
population densities [0.3] rivers [0.9] if you took just a [0.3] a if you sort 
of were talking about er [0.8] a particular [0.4] er [2.2] moment like the 
sixteenth century then you know it would [0.3] you wouldn't notice any move [0.
2] you wouldn't notice any history to those phenomena 'cause they seem to be [0.
3] immutable [0.8] if however you took the long [0.9] the the long perspective 
if you like [0.3] if you put your 
framework [0.9] around the sixteenth century but stretched it out if you like 
[0.4] er [0.2] you might see some movement after all rivers silt up [0.6] er 
mountains have [0.2] railways driven up through them or or or under them [0.2] 
so in other words even geography eve-, even some of the most [0.4] er [0.3] 
apparently unchangeable aspects of the past of of of of the environment in the 
past [0.4] have their own history [0.4] but for doing that you need to study 
not [0.5] you know [1.3] fourteenth of July seventeen-eighty-nine attack on the 
Bastille [0.6] you need to see things in the long term [0.3] or again the great 
Braudelian word and again something to drop [0.4] a [0.9] phrase to [0.4] to 
use the longue durée [1.4] long [0.2] duration [0.2] so in other words there 
are only s-, there are some historical realities [0.4] which are only graspable 
[0.5] if you take the perspective of [0.6] la longue durée the long long er 
duration [0.8] and so [0.4] if you look at that ch-, er er chapter [1.1] on er 
[0.6] er the first chapter it's a very brilliant chapter [0.4] er of the er [0.
2] 
Mediterranean Mediterranean World you'll find him talking [0.4] about the 
geographical realities of the sixteenth century and these immutable realities 
[0.4] but in terms a-, and using evidence which can be from the twelfth century 
or ma-, might even be from the twentieth century because it's only taking [0.3] 
the long framework the long longue durée that you can get that sort of er [0.
3] er sense of what the realities were in in that particular [0.3] er moment [1.
9] what about [0.4] is there anything between if you like [0.2] la longue 
durée [0.7] the sort of [0.3] the deep [0.2] of the of the oceans [0.3] and 
the surface well i-, [0.3] yes he says there is a second layer [0.4] er between 
[0.3] er the [0.4] er the two [0.4] and [0.4] this is if you like the oce-, 
ocean metaphor tides so m-, [0.2] you know [0.2] waves move up a little bit of 
froth a little bit of froth er here or there or whatever [0.3] but there are 
also tides moving them almost you know imperceptibly to the human eye but they 
are clearly [0.3] er moving them [0.6] er not not er [0.4] er [1.0] following 
the sort of very longue durée type of er time scale [0.2] but a sort of midway 
time scale pitched between [0.3] events [0.3] and underlying [0.2] er 
structures [0.3] and here he's thinking of things like [0.4] price [0.4] er 
cycles or population trends [0.2] or cultural trends [0.3] things which you 
know classically might last a generation or a generation or two so we think of 
the sixteenth century [0.4] we think of the price revolution [0.4] er the er 
the incre-, well i'm sure you all remember this from basic two [0.4] er [0.3] 
the rise in prices which you know goes over the whole of the sixteenth century 
and then the seventeenth century we have a deflation of prices so you know 
these are [0.4] these are the tides of history if you like which the historian 
also has to try and [0.3] er realize between the events the you know day almost 
daily or yearly occurrences [0.2] and these very sort of [0.6] immutable 
history [0.3] er er underneath [1.6] his-, the past [0.8] for the historian the 
historian's time [0.2] Braudel's time then [0.2] has layers [0.5] it is not a 
unilinear [0.4] sort of movement [0.2] nor is it homogeneous you know y-, you 
when he when he's looking at er [0.6] er [0.3] er 
some of the sort of geographical factors he's [0.3] drawing evidence from 
outside the sixteenth er er century and each [0.4] of these levels each of 
these layers is following its own [0.2] its own logic [0.6] its own logic and 
its own rationality and its own [0.6] rhythm its own temporal [0.3] er rhythm 
[0.7] and what the historian's task for Braudel [0.5] is is firstly to [0.5] be 
aware of and to work within that sort of tripartite division of the past [0.7] 
you know [0.3] event history at the top [0.9] trend history if you like to call 
it undern-, er underneath [0.3] and then [0.2] sort of basic long term 
structures underneath to to work within that [0.4] and to work for a history 
which combines those in a single [0.4] single [0.3] view a-, [0.2] and provides 
what he calls [0.2] a total [0.3] history [0.5] er a history which takes 
everything [0.3] in [1.3] and [0.2] that means that [0.4] our notions of 
historical causation [0.3] must inevitably change fairly radically if we see 
time [0.3] and if we see the past in those terms [0.3] because if for example 
[0.3] you know classically why does [0.6] you know Philip 
the Second [0.3] you know send an armada to er to England in er [0.2] whenever 
it is fifteen-eighty-eight or why to go to war in [0.4] in er er nineteen-
fourteen [1.0] a an event history type of er approach well would look at the 
actors involved and try and to say think well he said that he thought that he 
intended to do that [0.4] he got this wrong he thought someone else was doing 
it [0.2] so in other words in terms of intentions and actions and purpose of 
actions by the individuals [0.3] er involved [0.5] but [0.2] Braudel is saying 
what we need to do is to see that within the wider frameworks of trends and u-, 
und-, underlying [0.3] er structures which can explain [0.3] er er the way that 
er er this this actually happened so these long term factors [0.3] can have 
their impact [0.3] er on er [0.4] er [0.4] er on on why things happen when they 
do and what [0.3] the way in which we think about causes [0.2] for historical 
er actions [0.3] let me give you an example of that 'cause i can see that sort 
of look of [0.9] we call it the historiograph-, hiri-, historiography [0.3] 
dazzle or bafflement which you know 
it's a sort of well known clinical condition that we always see [0.3] sort of 
spreading around the room at particular moments [0.4] let me give you a 
particular example of how that type of structural [0.3] approach to causation 
[0.4] bringing in the idea of different temporal rhythms [0.3] er might 
actually [0.3] er work and the w the one i'm going to take is [0.4] someone who 
[0.2] who actually writes in the Annales i don't know what you know m-, we 
don't always [0.3] people don't always say that he's a member of the Annales 
School but it's a particularly good [0.4] example i think which will bring this 
out [0.5] Labrousse [0.4] Ernest Labrousse writing [1.2] in the er [0.5] er [2.
6] er thirties and forties [0.7] and writing about one of the great you know er 
[0.2] events of history the French Revolution [0.6] i would say that wouldn't i 
as a French revolutionary historian but er [0.5] why did you know big 
historical question why did the r-, the why was there a revolution in seventeen-
eighty-nine why did Bastille fall [0.4] on er July the fourteenth er er s-, er 
[0.2] where am i er seventeen-eighty-nine [0.4] 
er July the fourteenth seventeen-eighty-nine what what's going on there now [0.
4] how are you going to tell that story [0.3] i mean one way of doing that is 
to say well [0.6] we need to concentrate on what Louis the Sixteenth thought he 
was doing and then we need to look at what the [0.3] estates general and then 
there are people like Mirabeau [0.5] and we can see the interlocking the 
intermeshing if you like of political actions and all the rest of it [0.5] er 
going on [0.3] er in one way er or the other so we could do that and it'd just 
be about politics it wouldn't be a problem okay there'd be a revolution [0.4] 
Louis the Sixteenth was not a good king [0.4] didn't manage the population 
didn't mo-, manage society well [0.5] er government fell apart [0.2] there was 
a revolution so you could do that sort of history [1.3] Labrousse is an 
economic historian [0.7] he says well [0.3] let's think of it in this in these 
[0.2] in these three levels of of causation let's think of it [0.3] at first of 
all about the [1.3] fact that [0.5] er [1.4] of what's happening in the 
eighteenth century [0.4] the 
eighteenth century is a period of prosperity [0.4] in in France and in most of 
western Europe you've got the overseas empires you've got [0.4] er [0.2] i-, er 
the emergence of capitalism you've got ag-, agrarian improvements [0.5] you've 
got general le-, rising levels of er prosperity across the board as far as one 
can see [0.3] spread out over the century as a whole you know this is one of 
those sort of things which people [0.4] sort of are dimly aware of you know 
people in memoires they sometimes say you know people look fatter than [0.4] er 
in the portraits of my grandfathers or [0.3] you know [0.3] things er people 
have things which they never had a generation ago so there's a sense that 
they'll [0.4] of growing er prosperity [0.5] the underlying trend if you like 
[0.4] the sort of [0.4] longue durée type of thing is one of [0.3] general [0.
3] improvement general material improvement [0.3] and moreover and the other 
dimension to that [0.4] would be [0.4] a gradual increase in prices prices for 
most goods are going up but going up [0.4] sort of fairly evenly in a way which 
is actually as as Labrousse says 
secreting profits it's allowing profits to be made it's allowing [0.4] m-, er 
capital to be invested it's allowing anyone who produces to do [0.3] er pretty 
well whether you're a peasant or a [0.3] or a noble or or whatever [0.4] so 
you've got that level of [0.2] temporality if you like over the eighteenth 
century looked at as a whole [0.4] things are doing well [0.6] however [0.5] 
from about seventeen-seventyish [0.2] seventeen-seventy seventy-three seventy-
four [0.8] we go into what he calls an intercycle [0.2] er [0.2] we don't need 
to know what that is but what he means basically is that a recession [0.6] 
there there are probl-, there are economic problems for reasons i won't go into 
[0.3] but basically prices start oscillating a bit more widely [0.3] wildly [0.
4] er there are [0.3] er sort of er problems in certain sectors of the economy 
[0.3] er there's a growing problem which people start worrying about of poverty 
which seems to be rearing its head so there's a sort of [0.7] in the context of 
general prosperity there's a definite temporal downturn okay so there's a 
speeding up if you 
like [0.3] at at one level of history [0.3] er of of of things that are going 
on [1.7] and then let's take [0.3] a third [0.3] level of temporality [0.7] in 
seventeen-eighty-eight [0.8] seventeen-eighty-seven was bad enough but 
seventeen-eighty-eight [0.3] there's a terrible harvest [0.3] it's one of the 
worst harvests in er the eighteenth century [0.5] and prices go through the 
roof and when they go as high as they do rising four five six times from normal 
[0.5] that means many many people are going to be [0.2] unable to afford [0.3] 
er what they er enough food to eat [0.4] they won't be able to a-, afford 
anything else there will be a slump in demand there will be a f-, a collapse of 
many industries there will be more unemployment people will have even less 
money to pay [0.3] for for for for goods which are going through [0.3] er 
through the roof [0.6] and it so happens that when we think about not just the 
you know the very broad temporality [0.2] but when we think about [0.6] you 
know [0.2] prices and the price of bread which most people live on in the er 
late eighteenth century [0.4] let's 
think about [0.5] you know how the price of bread varies well the crucial [0.5] 
unit of time for thinking about the price of bread [0.5] is the calen-, is the 
sorry the harvest year [0.7] 'cause you know the harvest comes in [0.7] price 
falls 'cause lots of stuff on the market lots of grain on the market [0.6] and 
then gradually that food will be eaten up and [0.2] prices will drift upwards 
at the end of the cycle just before the harvest [0.5] now [0.6] that's what 
always happens but put it in the context of okay general prosperity [0.2] so 
maybe people's expectations were a bit higher than er before [0.3] but then an 
economic downturn in the seventeen-seventies so people are starting to think 
well maybe of discontent maybe not too happy about things [0.4] then suddenly 
[0.3] in seventeen-eighty-seven and eighty-eight very bad harvests [0.2] and by 
the summer of seventeen-eighty-nine [0.5] there is no food to be had price of 
bread [0.3] is gone through the roof in fact the highest price [0.3] of bread 
[0.3] in the eighteenth century with one 
exception which we doesn't doesn't count for various reasons 'cause it doesn't 
fit my theory [0.4] er but er for the highest price for the er eighte-, in the 
eighteenth century the price of bread [0.3] is just before the harvest is 
gathered in [0.4] er in [0.5] seventeen-eighty-nine and seventeen-eighty-nine's 
not a bad harvest in fact [0.5] so if we said that was just before [0.4] we 
would say it was probably the middle of July [0.4] seventeen-eighty-nine in 
fact we might as well say it was the fourteenth of July [0.3] er seventeen-er -
eighty-nine [0.4] okay and it's true if you look at his graph in fact they do 
the prices do actually fall er b-, by late July [0.4] er and au-, and August 
they sort of wa-, wander around but [0.3] the highest point is reached in the 
whole of the eighteenth century the price of bread in seventeen [0.3] seventeen-
eighty-nine [0.3] so in other words what is going on here this is another story 
completely from the one [0.3] which a political historian a traditional 
political historian would have done of the Ancien Régime's collapse [0.3] 
which would 
emphasize the collapse of government the problems of intentions of rulers [0.3] 
the unruliness or turbulence of particular politicians or whatever [0.4] it is 
suggesting that [0.3] those [0.2] players those historical players those 
historical actors [0.3] are themselves being mobilized [0.4] are being acted 
upon are being conditioned by these [0.2] these very real social [0.3] and 
economic realities which are working [0.3] in this very sort of temporally [0.
4] differentiated way [0.2] so we need to know that the eighteenth cen-, if we 
want to know [0.4] why there was a revolution why there was a storming of the 
Bastille in seventeen-eighty-nine [0.3] sure we want to know about politics in 
seventeen-eighty-nine [0.3] but we also need to know about that the eighteenth 
century was a period of prosperity we also need to know at another temporal 
level [0.3] that that prosperity has a sort of hiccup downwards [0.3] er from 
the seventeen-seventies [0.3] and we need to know about the temporality of the 
harvest year because that is one of the crucial conditioning 
facts [0.3] of economic social cultural and political life [0.3] if you like [0.
3] er in the er i-, i-, i-, i-, in this period [0.3] so i think Labrousse is a 
very is a wonderful example it seems to me [0.3] of the way the type of history 
which Braudel [0.3] is is is asking for let's [0.4] to understand [0.3] causes 
in history we have to accept [0.4] that [0.3] it's not the actor's time [0.2] 
and the actor's conceptions which will [0.3] give us the answer to everything 
we have to think about [0.3] the way [0.3] those ideas those answers if you 
like [0.3] are structured [0.3] er within [0.2] social economic [0.2] er and er 
[0.3] er [0.9] cultural and other [0.3] er sort of er er frameworks [0.2] and 
seventeen-eighty-nine the analysis of seventeen-eighty-nine is [0.4] how those 
structures [0.3] come together how they mesh and it's [0.2] from that meshing 
that you get a revolutionary [0.4] er er event [0.5] the way in which and let 
me just add ano-, throw in another term [0.4] er the way in which the 
structures mesh [0.5] er [0.6] is sometimes [0.4] called la conjoncture [0.4] 
and that again is [0.5] a term which is thrown together but 
basically it's the it's the way in which the [0.5] the [0.5] the structures 
these underlying structures are actually coming together are actualizing 
themselves if you like so sometimes this sort of er [1.5] duality between 
reality and conj-, structure conjoncture those are the terms which [0.4] er er 
er reflect the sort of Annales [0.5] er approach [1.4] now let me just [0.3] th-
, [0.3] out of that [0.2] throw a few [0.2] er consequences if you like it's a 
very long section this isn't it [0.3] er [2.3] [3.4] part two [0.2] yeah i 
should have done that earlier [0.4] er i always like to divide it up into er 
sections [0.4] er [1.5] one of the interesting things of that notion of time 
the idea that time is layered but that also we have to think in very broad very 
big terms as well in terms of longue durée [0.5] er [0.4] is that that [0.2] 
gets you closer [0.5] for many respects to many social scientists [0.5] er and 
their the concepts and methods which they use because sociologists economi-, [0.
2] economists and whatever [0.3] are obviously introduce-, int-, int-, 
interested in [0.3] ups and downs of events and all 
the rest of it [0.4] but they're more likely to be inter-, interested in trends 
they're more likely to build models which are based on a sort of [0.2] static 
[0.3] er you know er an essentially static sort of er [0.4] er er framework 
which contains mobility contains movement [0.3] er within it [0.6] so in other 
words [0.7] i think by offering er this structured history by o-, by 
emphasizing elements of immobility [0.2] as well as mobility [0.4] by [0.2] 
taking your eye off the ball if you like oh what a great metaphor i've just 
discovered for thinking about the Annales yeah [0.3] you take your eye off the 
ball and you look at the field and you look at the players and you look at [0.
4] God i could really work with that er [laughter] that one i'll have to work 
that in next year i think [0.5] er [0.3] you actually [0.2] you you have a 
different sort of conception and one which is going to open out towards other 
[0.2] er social er sciences [1.7] and i think [0.2] the other thing which i'd 
say about er that that model is that this becomes the model of how [0.2] 
history is done in France 
and [0.4] initially in France then it's very much imitated [0.3] er elsewhere 
[0.4] the sort of three tiered model [0.3] and if you look at some of the great 
some of the greatest works by French historians since the Second World War have 
followed this sort of model where they start [0.3] like Braudel in the longue 
durée you know the structures and all the rest of it [0.4] and then they move 
through trends and the sort of conjoncture [0.4] er with er [0.3] er the sort 
of middling [0.3] rhythm if you like of er life [0.4] and then they go to [0.3] 
the events if you like the the sort of where where things are actually coming 
coming through [1.2] and i think in that model so open to the social scientists 
so open to [0.2] sociology economics and and whatever [0.4] er [0.2] political 
history gets [0.5] very short shrift [0.6] political history which has been the 
centre [0.4] the absolute centre of er [0.4] er hi-, what the historian's craft 
essentially [0.4] er for for for much of the er nineteenth and twentieth 
century sort of Rankean [0.3] becomes an [0.3] a p-, [0.3] afterthought if you 
like [0.4] to these 
rea-, the real stuff of history which is social economic and trend and all the 
rest of it [0.4] an appendix maybe even a parson's nose [0.3] er to er to 
history [0.6] and that type of total history [0.6] and this is a problem i'll 
come back to may [0.4] u-, [0.8] wa-, er erase [0.4] the importance of politics 
at the heart of history and that's something i will t-, certainly talk about [1.
9] a short second section there [2.2] we now [1.1] i'll now [0.2] transport you 
[3.6] couple of generations [0.4] later [2.5] the Montaillou [0.5] er moment [0.
2] enter stage left [0.3] er Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie that man i introduced you 
to as you know having given the worst lecture in er [0.4] er western 
civilization [0.6] er [0.6] nineteen-sixty-six [0.2] he writes his thesis a 
thesis which again is very much in the Braudelian mode you know different 
levels and all the rest of it [0.4] which is called The Peasants of Languedoc 
The Peasants of Languedoc [0.3] it's a brilliant book [0.2] he's a brilliant 
writer [0.4] er [0.3] crap lecturer brilliant book er brilliant writer [0.3] 
and it's a exemplification of 
the Annales method everyone goes lyrical about it Braudel everyone [0.8] what i 
think is one of the things that interesting about it is that [0.3] er [1.2] he 
uses a wider range of sources to [0.4] work out what he calls a total history 
[0.4] of [0.5] a province the province of Languedoc [0.5] from the bottom up if 
you like trying to see the the the history [0.3] and the er [0.3] er the way in 
which that society operates over the longue durée the early modern period [0.
4] er sort of late Middle Ages through to the eighteenth century [0.3] in in 
terms of a society as a whole it's a wonderful exemplification of historical 
sociology [0.3] and again if you look at the preface i always think the 
prefaces of these important books is very [0.5] very interesting you know when 
you get beyond the acknowledgements to my wife and er [0.2] that other n-, 
unnamed woman who's my wi-, mistress but you don't you you you don't you notice 
don't er [0.3] you know this way to pay particular attention obviously [0.3] 
but he says one of the things he's interesting he says i-, you know i started 
by looking [0.4] at [0.5] you know er [0.2] land registers actually i was 
looking at land registers trying to follow those through in the longue durée 
classic sort of Annaliste er sort of er move [0.8] and i suddenly realized he 
says that [0.8] i was [0.5] through these [0.2] through these documents i was 
[0.3] getting the sense [0.2] of the of a regional economy [0.2] breathing [0.
5] you know [0.4] so the trends you know [0.4] period of prosperity [0.7] 
period of [0.3] you know [1.6] deficit or er er decline period of prosperity [0.
3] so you [0.2] thr-, [0.2] this sort of [0.3] of a [0.5] of a of a province a 
whole area's history being written from within [0.3] from a particular source 
[0.3] of a er excellent source the [0.3] these land er [0.4] er registers [0.8] 
and he realizes he says that [0.5] he'd gone in [0.2] to the archives with 
questions [0.3] and he realized at that moment that [0.3] the c-, [0.3] the 
archives were asking questions of him [0.6] er and i think there's a very good 
symbiotic moment which every historian actually any historian who's a decent 
historian actually [0.4] er feels you go into [0.4] an archive with a 
hypothesis or a set of hypotheses [0.4] and you realize 
after a while that you hypotheses [0.3] are not only wrong but you're asking 
the wrong questions you need to listen to the archives you need to listen to 
what they're telling you [0.2] to reframe your work [0.2] er so that you can go 
[0.3] go on [1.3] brilliant writer [0.3] brilliant book [0.2] becomes one the 
editors of the Annales and follows on from Lucien Febvre who dies in the er er 
er late fifties writes on [0.4] all those sort of other sort of social 
scientific things he writes on very interesting history of climate he writes 
all sorts of things on rent coin history of coi-, coinage he's interested in 
the history of f-, er physical anthropology [0.2] historical epidemiology loads 
and loads of di-, of different and interesting [0.3] er things [0.4] and then 
in the late nineteen-seventies he publishes a work [0.3] this is the one i'm 
emphasizing [0.5] Montaillou [0.3] where i think he [0.3] he does something 
different [0.3] he t-, he takes the Annales [0.5] in a different direction or 
he tries to i think [0.3] er and [0.3] he's doing something which is [0.4] at 
an angle from if you like the inspiration [0.2] 
er of the Annales hitherto [1.1] Montaillou [0.6] er appears in nineteen-
seventy-eight [0.3] is a tiny little village in the Pyrenees and it's basically 
the history of that village [0.8] er and that village is important or at least 
we know anything about it 'cause most of the Pyrenean villages we don't know 
anything about any time before the twentieth century [0.3] we know about it 
because it was the home of the Albigensian heresy [0.5] and because it was the 
home of the en-, er Albigensian heresy [0.5] the inquisition moved in on it [0.
2] and er there's one particular guy who was the bishop of nearby Pamiers [0.4] 
er in the in the Languedoc [0.3] er called Jacques Fournier [0.2] who's sent 
there as an inquisitor and the point is that er Le Roy Ladurie makes a big 
point about is that [0.2] Fournier was a peasant himself so he knew peasants he 
knew you [0.3] you had to ask them lots of questions and always distrust them 
and always ask them and re-ask them [0.3] and be careful for the ruses of 
peasant [0.3] er peasant life [0.3] because what he's trying to do is to root 
out [0.2] 
er heresy [0.3] and so there are endless long interrogations which we have in 
Latin [0.2] but we have them [0.3] er of [0.3] Fournier interrogating these 
people about their heresy [0.5] now you could write a very interesting book 
about [0.2] just the ideas of these these people [0.3] but the point is that er 
what er er Le Roy Ladurie does [0.4] is to [0.3] using that wonderful source 
base [0.4] talk about [0.3] effectively well to write essentially [0.2] a 
social anthropology [0.5] of a village [0.3] in the fourteenth century [0.5] er 
asking the questions if you like which an anthropologist would be asking [0.4] 
if he or she went into a Polynesian or [0.3] er er African or whatever village 
[0.8] as a sort of er participant [0.5] er and followed [0.2] and tried to 
understand [0.5] what the impor-, how kinship works in this village how [0.3] 
how neighbourhood counts what's the importance of the household what are what 
are the rhythms of the year [0.3] what are the important symbolic e-, er [0.3] 
er er e-, events in in in in this village's [0.3] er history and how [0.3] can 
[0.4] er [0.3] how can this heresy establish itself and what is there distinct 
about this particular 
village [0.3] er which gi-, [0.2] makes it the home of this heretical [0.2] er 
movement and how does that heretical movement sort of [0.4] er [0.3] tie in 
with other beliefs er er which these villagers have [0.2] it's a phenomenal 
book it's in fact a best-seller in France for years and years [0.3] er and and 
years [0.4] er [0.7] as i say he's [0.2] g-, got almost this sort of social 
anthropologist's eye it's that one of the things [0.4] that er [0.4] pe-, [0.5] 
er peasants spend much of their time doing in the fourteenth century when their 
just hanging aro-, hanging out together [0.4] is er picking nits off each other 
[0.3] er this a sign of sort of close affection and he's got wonderful things 
about mothers sort of you know just talking to the neighbour sort of going 
through their children's hair [0.3] but then this also lovers in bed are sort 
of like sorting through each other's [0.4] er bodies sort of like [0.3] picking 
the nits off [0.4] don't try it it's it's likely to bring you enemies rather 
than friends i assure you [0.3] [laughter] er [0.3] so [0.5] you know this [0.
2] in other words the material life the just the the the the nitty bitty gritty 
stuff 
of everyday living in other words [0.2] is available to you [0.2] er through 
this er sort of lens [0.3] and he has wonderful sort of personas there's a sort 
of local [0.3] er er priest who's a sort of fixer mafia figure come [0.3] he-, 
heretic as well it's a it's an incredibly highly coloured [0.4] er picture [0.
4] and i think it what it does [0.5] is [0.7] do [0.4] total history [0.3] in a 
completely different way [0.4] to Braudel this true to the inspiration of 
Braudel in wanting to write [0.3] a total history [0.6] w-, a history with 
everything in even nits and nit picking [0.4] but on the other hand [0.5] it's 
completely different from Braudel 'cause Braudel had taken things at the level 
of [0.3] a sea or even of a globe if you like has taken the big picture [0.3] 
er if you like [0.4] what's [0.4] er Le Roy Ladurie is going into [0.4] er [0.
9] er is is a sort of anthropological [0.2] er mode [0.2] and i think this does 
mark a shift in much of what the good writing in the Annales [0.3] er in the 
late i-, in er i-, well from the seventies but late sixties seventies and into 
the [0.3] er eighties [0.4] is that anthropology is taking over and becoming 
one of the if you like pilot sciences or the [0.3] the sort of leading edge 
disciplines [0.2] which historians are trying to [0.3] open out to and learn 
from [0.2] and try and [0.3] integrate into their own [0.3] er er analyses [0.
4] er one of the things some of you may have done [0.9] when looking at basic 
er two is you might have done the history of witchcraft and you'll certainly 
have read [0.4] Keith Thomas' well you mightn't have read it but you will have 
looked at er Keith Thomas' massive [0.3] Religion and the Decline of Magic [0.
3] and you will know and that's a very similar sort of moment you know [0.3] 
where he's trying an anthropological take [0.3] to understand [0.3] why there 
are witchcraft accusations in Essex or wherever or East Anglia whatever in the 
[0.2] the f-, er fifteenth century and where he learns and where he learns a a 
a a an approach or or method to do that [0.5] is in the method of [0.2] the 
anthro-, s-, the English anthropologist Evans-Pritchard [0.3] among the Azande 
[0.4] so in fact you read peasant life or or or or or rural life [0.3] in er 
sixteenth seventeenth century [0.3] 
er [0.3] er er Essex through the prit-, [0.3] through the lens of the 
anthropological take [0.2] on witchcraft in a twentieth century society [0.3] 
er in af-, Africa [0.6] so [0.2] whereas [0.2] you know geography is still 
important [0.2] soci-, sociology economics don't [0.2] don't get me wrong on 
that but i think this there is a definite growth of interest in anthropology 
and particularly cultural anthropology [0.3] er which Le Roy Ladurie [0.3] is 
sort of er er bringing up and er er and retelling you need to [0.5] understand 
the whole tissue [0.3] of human relationships [0.2] er at this demo-, 
demographic cultural social and economic and whatever [0.3] er sort of level [0.
3] so i think the Montaillou moment [0.2] i don't know why i put S there [0.4] 
is [0.7] is sort of [0.4] the same inspiration of total history getting it all 
in if you like but [0.2] on a totally different framework not the globe not the 
universe [0.2] a tiny Pyrenean village [0.3] for a couple of [0.2] couple of 
years [0.3] but in a way if you read it you'll see it is a [0.3] a a a total 
history of a different sort [2.9] so what next [3.6] 
beyond [0.3] er Montaillou what is in [0.5] beyond Montaillou well [0.5] the 
Montaillou book as i say is enormously im-, important it gives this 
anthropological twist and i'll come back to that when looking next er [0.4] er 
term at the sort of [0.4] cultural [0.6] cultural twist cultural turn which 
much history takes in the er [0.3] er er seventies [0.4] and [0.3] that feeds 
certainly into the tradition of the Annales [0.6] and the Annales [0.3] has [0.
2] continued you can s-, can read it s-, it still has the same idea of total 
history you will s-, still find [0.4] masses of non-Eurocentric history you'll 
find a bit of politics in there but it will be [0.3] interest in political 
symbolism or political structures rather than e-, event history [0.4] masses of 
social history it's one of the great social history [0.3] er er journals [0.4] 
and from its success in France in the forties and fifties what's happened in 
the sixties seventies eighties [0.3] it goes global it becomes a massively [0.
2] tra-, everyone is translated [0.3] er [0.7] er they all go on lecture tours 
of er America they become p-, er celebrities and all the rest of 
it [0.3] er so that Le Roy Ladurie could turn up as he did in London and give 
this er execrable [0.2] er lecture which i i witnessed [0.6] but [0.5] what are 
the problems is the Annales [1.5] maybe [0.8] too successful [0.4] difficult to 
say that isn't it really but maybe [0.9] maybe there are problems from being so 
much part of the [0.5] establishment [0.4] er maybe [0.3] there is an [0.6] 
tendency towards complacency for just being institutionally so [0.3] er well [0.
2] er connected maybe entering the celebrity society goes to people's [0.3] er 
heads [0.2] maybe [0.2] it's difficult to [0.3] keep a single model or a single 
paradigm even when inflected [0.3] in the way that Le Roy Ladurie has has t-, 
tried to do in the seventies [0.2] on the road as a viable and sort of [0.3] er 
desirable [0.3] er sort of er paradigm how do you [0.2] in history [0.3] remain 
[0.2] a brand leader [0.3] er if you like to [0.2] bring it into Warwick er 
terminology [0.5] er [0.6] i think there are now looking around in the nineteen-
nineties [0.3] lots and lots of question marks against er er the Annales i'll 
look at some of these [0.3] next term when sort of picking 
up the story [0.3] and taking it further in particular the way in which the 
move towards cultural history [0.3] has er [0.3] er er sort of shifted things 
but i think this i-, [0.4] er many of the initial inspirations are still there 
and that they're still totally laudable [0.2] if you like the idea of an [0.3] 
open door policy the idea of genuinely interdisciplinary work [0.3] even if 
much of that interdisciplinary [0.3] er the the mix of that interdisciplinary 
work [0.3] er er has has shifted and changed around in different particular 
ways [0.3] but if i can give you just one 'cause i know we're running out of 
time [0.3] one particular [1.0] problem area i think in the Annales approach [0.
3] er which i think i would hold on to and worry about if i was you [0.3] it is 
the way in which as i said earlier [0.2] politics is almost erased [0.5] almost 
erased from [0.4] the sort of range of interests of the historian [0.3] er of 
the Annales er kind [0.4] that social you know that in a way it's a sort of 
oscillation thing you know [0.5] political history narrative history small 
scale history was so 
dominant when the Annales came in they're punching in the nineteen-thirties [0.
4] they punched all that out of the way they established their own paradigm [0.
4] and [0.2] politics disappeared it was endlessly pilloried [0.3] and [0.2] 
and caricatured as event history [0.3] if you ever you want to hear look at a 
[0.3] a a a a face of contempt and disdain [0.3] you only have to look at an 
Annaliste when he talks about event history [0.3] it's that sort of th-, sort 
of thing traditional historians have been involved in [0.3] we [0.2] nous des 
Annales we of the Annales [0.2] we think [0.3] you know society structures and 
all the rest of it [0.2] actually [0.2] actually count [0.4] in some ways i 
would say [2.0] well what ab-, [0.2] you know a moment to interrogate that sort 
of structural approach where structures dominate [0.4] is [0.2] the event [0.5] 
the event i mean a good event i think would be nineteen-sixty-eight [0.7] Paris 
[0.2] May [0.6] turbulence in pa-, how do you when you're talking about 
structures [0.3] work out something like May sixty-eight you could try a sort 
of Labroussian model [0.3] but frankly [0.3] it 
it wouldn't work [0.3] and [0.5] by writing history only or th-, or [0.3] ne-, 
almost solely in terms of social and economic [0.5] trends and structures 
aren't you in [0.2] risk of losing [0.3] the political element the element of 
chance the element of accident [0.3] the element of politics as well [0.3] and 
rather than [0.8] sort of s-, [0.4] do a w-, a wonderful sort of reach come 
back political history all is forgiven maybe one of the the sort of tasks which 
many his-, historians have got interested in in the nineteen-eighties and 
nineteen-nineties [0.3] is how you reinvent [0.4] history [0.3] political 
history [0.3] so that it can learn from some of those sort of interdisciplinary 
and wide open and sort of [0.4] er structural sort of approaches of the Annales 
[0.3] but try and do it in a way [0.3] er which is not just er sort of er 
trivial and trivializing but which actually [0.2] er can help us understand the 
ups and downs [0.3] the the the events the exceptions [0.2] the accidents [0.2] 
as well the structures the continuities [0.2] and er and the underlying deeps 
[0.3] er of history [1.5] right [0.6] thank you