nm0079: okay well er [0.6] today we're er [0.9] going to be carrying on with 
the er French Revolution you may have noticed i was sort of getting rather er 
[0.4] enthusiastic and carried away at the end of the last one i was sort of 
almost er like i sort of started at the beginning about someone standing on a 
coffee table and s-, shouting to arms citizens [0.5] as if i was going to sort 
of [0.5] leap up on the desk and say to arms let's storm [0.6] the Rootes 
Social Building [laughter] or er let's go out arm in arm singing the 
Marseillaise or something er like that [0.4] well this is obviously [0.2] er [0.
9] partly at least because the revolution the French Revolution [0.4] er 
resonates with something about us about the sort of political life that we lead 
the [0.4] er way in the some type of society [0.3] in which we er live [0.4] 
and this is one of the reasons why historians have thought it er important 
because it does seem to set [0.3] as i think i mentioned to you in a previous 
er [0.5] er lecture [0.2] set the sort of framework [0.4] set the framework in 
existence [0.4] er through [0.3] within which we still live much of our [0.3] 
political [0.2] and er [0.5] social life [0.9] sets a sort of er agenda if you 
like of what we expect as [0.2] participants within [0.2] the type of society 
in which we [0.3] we live [0.4] so the declaration of the rights of man [0.3] 
which er as i said came out on the twenty-sixth of w-, was issued by this new 
[0.4] national assembly [0.3] representing the nation the French nation for the 
first time [0.4] er er er an elected body which er [0.5] er [0.4] worked 
according to a new constitution new written constitutional [0.3] er er er [0.4] 
s-, er o-, [0.8] settlement [0.4] er [0.3] this provides a set of [0.6] rights 
[0.5] which are [0.5] not [0.2] privileges of er a set of corporate groups not 
the sort of privileges of the nobility or the privileges of the clergy or the 
privileges of such and such a [0.3] a town or cathedral or whatever [0.4] they 
are rights which every man [0.5] er it is held [0.3] er has [0.2] and that [0.
4] that declaration is one of the biggest [0.4] intellectual influences 
cultural influences [0.4] on [1.2] the United Nation Declaration of Human 
Rights [0.3] which was issued 
in nineteen-forty-seven and as as i say is you know the way in which we think 
about not just [0.3] our own government not just European governments [0.3] but 
world governments the way in which we think er [0.2] er societies ought to 
operate in a fair and just [0.3] and equal way [0.4] so for example the freedom 
of speech the freedom [0.3] to publish [0.3] er the right to [0.3] er live in a 
society without fear of arbitrary [0.3] er arrest [0.3] the right to [0.2] er 
have a religion er religious views [0.3] er of your own without any sort of 
harassment [0.4] er from the state the right to have pe-, [0.8] to have 
political rights if you like to belong to a nation w-, er in such a way that er 
[0.3] er er a political entity i should say [0.2] in such a way that you 
actually your views are heard [0.3] you have a a a a a a role in shaping the 
political system [0.5] in some ways [0.3] the French Revolution really sets 
that out in a sort of model way for the er first time in in a way which is [0.
5] durably extremely [0.2] influential [0.4] so that when we think about [0.2] 
seventeen-eighty-nine when we think 
about the French Revolution [0.5] we think about that movement of elan that 
movement of tremendous energy [0.3] and excitement and enthusiasm [0.3] when 
new things suddenly seem to be possible [0.3] when a new epoch [0.3] in human 
history seemed to be [0.2] er starting up it's not for an ac-, it's not by any 
accident [0.3] although it was a couple of years after seventeen-eighty-nine in 
fact [0.6] that the French Revolutionaries introduced their own calendar a new 
calendar to get rid of the old [0.3] er religious er er calendar which existed 
and to [0.3] create a [0.2] a calendar which and it's an amazingly obvious er 
sort of enlightenment er reference here [0.3] a calendar which somehow 
reflected [0.3] nature so months were named after [0.6] weather conditions and 
types of er [0.3] er the seasons were named after after after er [1.0] after 
sort of natural objects the days were [0.2] not saints' days but er [0.3] er er 
plants and flowers and things like that [0.3] so the idea that a new epoch has 
been created and the revolutionary calendar starts [0.4] from year one [0.4] 
you know to get rid of [0.2] seventeen-eighty-nine and we go to a new calendar 
in human history so this idea of a new [0.4] opening and ne-, new possibilities 
[0.5] and with that the idea and this of course is something which is true of 
many revolutions the idea [0.2] that [0.6] the revolution could create could [0.
2] could er [0.3] er [0.3] reorganize society [0.4] rationally [0.3] yeah again 
a very enlightenment sort of project [0.4] er in a way [0.3] er that [0.3] er 
everyone [0.2] had a say [0.3] everyone had a say [0.3] and this would produce 
a new type of human individual no longer [0.3] a subject no longer a sort of 
person who just follows orders [0.3] er but a citizen [0.2] equal in rights 
equality before the law [0.3] er [0.4] er to all other er [0.2] er citizens 
this idea of a new man [0.4] the nation the French nation [0.2] would be 
regenerated in this way a new species of humanity [0.3] would evolve [0.3] and 
France would be in the sort of vanguard of a transformation [0.2] of the whole 
of the world [0.4] France was sort of leading the way [0.2] in pioneering 
fashion [0.4] er [0.3] er towards a new er future [0.4] and that's exciting [0.
3] and that 
because it links up with er er [0.2] you know some of the things which we still 
feel [0.5] is one reason why people look back to the revolution and think 
incredibly positive things about it [1.9] but [1.8] on the other hand [1.2] 
what do we think about [0.7] when [0.2] another part of our mind [0.2] thinks 
about the French Revolution [0.7] it thinks [1.0] guillotines [0.4] it thinks 
[0.5] reign of terror [0.8] it thinks [0.5] er a chilling [0.3] bureaucracy [0.
7] it thinks [0.2] a revolutionary tribunal [0.5] er it thinks the mass 
execution [0.4] of peasants men women and children [0.3] in areas of er France 
[0.2] which were not [0.7] as excited [0.2] about this new revolutionary 
beginning [0.3] er as others it thinks about war [0.4] it thinks about a war of 
y-, of France and revolution [0.3] against just about the whole of the rest er 
of Europe [0.6] and it's for this reason that i've sort of put the in the first 
heading there [0.2] the term paradox [0.5] you know [0.5] that that is one of 
the great things about the revolutionary legacy if you like to the rest of the 
nineteenth century [0.3] that there is this sense of paradox about er about 
the French Revolution [0.4] which [0.2] the whole of the nineteenth century 
really is intensely engaged with and [0.2] which still in the twentieth century 
[0.4] er [0.3] we can we can sort of still sort of understand on the one hand 
the revolution [0.3] as new opening new beginning [0.4] er new possibilities 
the regeneration [0.3] of the human [0.2] er species [0.4] on the other [0.6] 
the revolution as [0.2] an an instrument of terror [0.3] of repression [0.4] er 
a sort of early eighteenth century version [0.3] er of the kind of totalitarian 
democracy [0.4] totalitarian repression the totalitarian regimes i mean [0.4] 
er which [0.2] with which we've become depressingly familiar [0.4] er in the 
late er twentie-, by the late er twentieth century [0.6] so that sort of 
paradox the posti-, pluses and the minuses is what i want to sort of [0.4] put 
absolutely in front of you [0.3] er today [0.3] i put it un-, [0.3] t-, at the 
start of the lecture i put it under this er [1.0] heading living paradoxes [0.
4] because it [0.5] the emphasis i'd like to [0.4] place is that [1.2] people 
[0.2] just normal individuals [0.4] had to try and live through the 
two aspects of the er revolution and try somehow keep them in [0.5] within the 
same sort of er box in their in their lives [0.3] er in in the er in the 
seventeen-nineties [0.3] and many groups found it [0.2] too difficult to keep 
those [0.2] things [0.6] you know together [0.4] er and [0.3] what you actually 
see in the revolution is an increased [0.3] polarization [0.3] of er society [0.
2] a pro [0.2] enthusiastically pro the revolution [0.3] and an 
enthusiastically against the revolution a counter-revolutionary [0.4] er 
movement as well [0.3] a revolution which has stressed [0.3] harmony [0.2] 
equality [0.5] every community everyone being in together [0.5] i mean the best 
illustration which historians usually give of that is [0.3] it's the s-, the 
first celebration of the fourteenth of July [0.7] which was obviously a year 
later in seventeen-ninety [0.2] the French have what [0.2] er the in in Paris 
they create this enormous sort of amphitheatre [0.3] people come up from every 
part of France they have an enormous civil [0.3] er festi-, a civic festival [0.
2] this so-called fête de la fédération 
the the festival of the federation [0.4] er [0.7] symbolizing i think this idea 
of the new unity the new indivisibility of the new er regime [0.5] and yet even 
by seventeen-ninety i think [0.3] the fissures are opening up [1.1] let me 
start [0.3] let me start at the top [1.6] sorry i'm not just going er it sounds 
like i'm doing a striptease [laughter] if i don't take my er pullover which 
wasn't the intention at all [0.5] er [0.8] let's start with the king [1.2] 
there's a really good engraving i've i'm sorry i meant to bring it along [0.5] 
er [0.5] it's an engraving of Louis the Sixteenth and it's an engraving [0.5] 
originally done under the Ancien Régime so he's looking i don't know if you've 
ever seen a picture of Louis the Sixteenth but he's trying to look serious [0.
6] which is difficult for Louis the Sixteenth because he's very very he's a 
simpleton really he's he's well meaning but [0.5] you know profoundly [0.5] 
silly [0.3] er a twerp in er in er breeches [0.3] er Louis the Sixteenth and 
he's there sort of looking in this bovine way [0.4] and the 
genre of the engraving is sort of very sort of adulatory you know trying to 
make him look good he's got a star and he's you know looking good [1.2] Ancien 
Régime version of the king [0.3] okay on the top of this on the top of his 
head like just painted on the top [0.4] is a big red bonnet [0.3] the bonnet 
which came to symbolize [0.2] revolutionary patriotism [0.5] it was actually [0.
7] er the idea of a red bonnet to symbolize freedom and equality [0.3] came 
from [0.3] the red bonnet which in antiquity [0.3] was given to slaves who had 
been freed [0.4] okay so under in [0.2] er ancient Rome [0.3] if you were a 
slave you got freedom you could wear the red bonnet to show that you were [0.2] 
emancipated as a slave [0.3] and the revolutionaries pick up on this idea 
because they have been slaves allegedly [0.3] under the Ancien Régime and now 
they are free men [0.6] and what [0.5] thi-, and with this moreover goes a 
tricolore the tricolore flag a-, [0.2] but a tricolore [0.2] coquet the 
tricolore is the [0.5] mixture of the colours of Paris [0.2] the the ceremonial 
colours of Paris [0.4] red and blue [0.3] 
er with the white [0.4] colour which is the Bourbon the Bourbon dynasty the the 
the royal dynasty's [0.3] er ceremonial colour so putting these together [0.3] 
seems to symbolize that new [0.3] new unity [0.4] okay so you've got [0.2] 
Louis the Sixteenth in this sort of [0.7] er Ancien Régime type of engraving 
with on his ho-, sort of painted i-, on in this sort of very crude way [0.3] a 
red bonnet a revolutionary coquet and for me what that painting says is [0.6] 
can Louis the Sixteenth [0.3] be [0.5] er [0.4] a free man [1.0] can Louis the 
Sixteenth adapt to a new type of er [0.4] er political system [0.4] in which [0.
2] he is not [0.4] God's representative on Earth who everyone has to obey 
because he's allegedly absolute monarch [0.4] er [0.5] er the only sort of 
representative of the of the French nation [0.3] he has to work within a new 
political system which is totally new to him [0.4] er totally foreign and 
different and difficult for him to accept [0.2] that he is just one agent of 
the French nation [0.4] he's called the King of the French now and the idea is 
that he is the [0.4] the executive arm of 
a of an elected assembly [0.3] er the [0.4] national assembly [0.2] which has 
come into existence in seventeen-eighty-nine [0.3] which he hasn't [0.3] very 
little control of he can veto legislation a little but not very much frankly [0.
4] the sort of sovereignty [0.4] er in the er within France has shifted from 
the body the person [0.3] of the monarch [0.3] to this national assembly this 
new national assembly [0.3] and within that sit-, situation [0.4] can Louis the 
Sixteenth cope [0.3] can he [0.3] can he sort of er deal with this new 
political [0.2] er arrangement [0.3] i've got er sort of a few dates for you 
there to to look at i might mention some of these things as we [0.3] er go 
through [2.0] well can he [0.6] can he cope [0.4] no he can't cope [0.4] er 
throughout seventeen-eighty-nine and ninety we find him endlessly vacillating 
wanting to [0.3] sort of half accept things then [0.2] sort of falling back on 
[0.3] er when he's sort of pressed he's very very lukewarm about the revolution 
[0.3] in a way that many people who 
are enthusiastic [0.2] revolutionaries [0.3] find extremely difficult er to to 
take [0.4] er [0.4] and their patience becomes increasingly [0.2] tested [0.7] 
now what are the things that Louis the Sixteenth finds difficult to accept well 
obviously the reduction in his own power that's a [0.3] that's the first thing 
[0.5] but i think also he finds [0.3] two other areas of the new revolutionary 
[0.3] situation the new political [0.6] er system [0.2] of post-seventeen-
eighty-nine France [0.3] very difficult to cope with [0.5] first of all the 
reduction of the nobility's status the idea that the nobility [0.3] who were 
you know [0.2] the most powerful group of individuals within [0.3] er France [0.
3] er they were s-, [0.3] allegedly the second estate you know the ones who 
above the third estate above everyone else [0.4] these too have to accept that 
they are normal citizens as well indeed in seventeen-ninety [0.2] all titles 
are abolished [0.3] er throughout France so you're not allowed to call yourself 
the Duke of this the Marquis of that or or whatever [0.3] you have to take 
normal li-, normal names like everyone else [0.3] and many of the privileges 
and rights which they have er [0.5] had for literally [0.4] more than a 
millennia in many er [0.2] er cases are [0.2] removed them [0.3] removed from 
them one of the [0.3] er things which k-, happens in seventeen-eighty-nine 
which makes this such an important powerful [0.3] national movement [0.3] is 
the peasants [0.3] er rising in seventeen-eighty-nine following the er [0.2] 
overthrow of the Bastille [0.4] er which leads to the abolition of feudalism 
the abolition of many of the senorial and feudal rights [0.3] which the 
nobility in particular although other social groups as well [0.2] have 
maintained so the nobility is [0.4] losing its rights losing its power losing 
its [0.3] its sort of status within French society [0.4] and putting a lot of 
pressure [0.2] on the king [0.3] er to stand by their f-, [0.4] you know the 
king is a noble he's the first of all nobles the first of ar-, most 
aristocratic of all aristocrats if you like [0.5] er he [0.2] the nobility are 
putting pressure on him not to fall in with this new 
revolutionary system but to stick [0.3] by their rights [1.0] one way in one 
thing which this [0.2] which many of these nobles were starting to do in 
sevente-, well even in seventeen-eighty-nine but particularly in seventeen-
ninety and ninety-one [0.3] is to emigrate [0.6] to get out of France they just 
say this is hopeless we're getting out you know [0.3] er this is a sort of 
political system we don't like [0.5] they emigrate and they s-, try and put 
pressure on the political leaders of other countries particularly in Germany [0.
4] er [0.4] er to s-, [0.5] to build up [0.2] an army [0.5] on the French 
frontiers which will [0.2] frighten the French out of their sort of 
revolutionary ways so the émigrés the emigrated [0.3] nobles other groups as 
well but the nobles are the most important [0.4] start [0.4] talking [0.2] 
conspiracy they start conspiring in some of the provinces but [0.2] outside 
France they're trying to make [0.4] er the overthrow of the new revolutionary 
government [0.3] on the top of the agenda [0.2] of most of the European rulers 
[0.2] okay so already you've got a 
sort of sense of polarization there [0.3] er coming up er very strongly [0.4] 
so the king [0.5] is worried about his own position he's worried about that of 
the nobility [0.3] he's worried too and i think this cannot be underestimated 
[0.7] or overestimated whichever [0.4] word is right [0.5] er [0.6] the n-, [0.
2] clergy [0.5] okay [0.3] religion [1.1] now i didn't when i was talking about 
the Enlightenment [0.7] i didn't say that much about er religion [0.5] i 
emphasized [0.3] the changes in er [0.2] in ideas which the Enlightenment had 
brought about i emphasized how [0.3] the ideas of the Enlightenment circular 
circulate [0.3] among social groups and in settings and urban setting [0.3] er 
in which they obviously are doing er doing very well [0.5] but [0.6] if one 
looked at the total picture of France [0.2] er in seventeen-eighty-nine [0.4] 
one would [0.4] probably say that most [0.2] of the population [0.2] are still 
Catholics [0.3] and many of them are intensely [0.3] er Catholic [0.5] okay [1.
2] when the revolution fixt-, it first comes out [0.3] er first occurs many 
people [0.2] don't see a problem with that [0.2] they don't see that er a 
revolution need 
necessarily be anticlerical [0.3] in fact the fête de la fédération which i 
mentioned to you which is this sort of celebration of harmony and unity [0.4] 
in er seventeen-ninety [0.2] is in fact celebrated by a Te Deum there is 
actually a an altar at the centre of this enormous sort of amphitheatre [0.2] 
where someone er you know [0.2] celebrates er a Mass and er [0.2] so in other 
words religion is part of the new sort of revolutionary er [0.3] er sort of 
culture [0.8] but it doesn't last like that for very long [0.7] if you remember 
[0.2] the reason why the state is having a revolution at all in seventeen-
eighty-nine is because of its financial problems [0.3] it's facing bankruptcy 
[0.4] and one of the first things that the revolutionary assembly [0.2] does in 
seventeen-eighty-nine [0.4] is try and seek a way out of that [0.4] by [0.5] 
nationalizing church property [0.3] church owns probably between six and ten 
per cent of the total cultivable land [0.3] er within France between six and 
ten per cent [0.2] so straightaway as soon as you've 
nationalized that [0.4] you're basically you're going to be all right 
financially that's a lot of money coming in [0.4] in return for that 
nationalization of land [0.3] the church says [0.4] we will [0.3] er [0.2] 
reorganize the church [0.4] now w-, [0.2] it reorganizes the church along [0.3] 
lines which you'd expect because as i say the influence of the Enlightenment is 
very clear [0.2] which are rational [0.5] er straightforward [0.4] 
administratively very clear-cut [0.4] okay [0.9] many people within the church 
accept that [0.5] they accept that the revolution the revolutionary has the 
right to [0.3] impose a new structure [0.3] on the French church [0.9] many 
however [0.5] do not [1.6] what happens in seventeen-ninety seventeen-ninety-
one the so-called Civil Constitution of the Clergy which is voted through a new 
constitution for the clergy as well which will be written into the in the er [0.
2] er political constitution as well [0.4] er [0.9] so there'll be salaries for 
priests there'll only be one bishop [0.2] in every department [0.3] er most 
monastic orders lose their property and [0.3] the monks and 
nuns are grouped together [0.2] there won't be any sort of perpetual vows 
'cause this is [0.2] it's alleged to be against [0.3] individual freedom and 
all the rest of it [0.8] a lot of the clergy say yes this is a good system this 
will allow us to work within it [0.3] but many people are extremely unhappy 
about that [0.5] of course many people lose within the clergy the a-, the old 
bishops [0.3] the people who have been monks and nuns the cathedral chapters [0.
2] all of these people earned a lot of wealth within the [0.3] within the 
Ancien Régime are going to lose that [0.2] they're going to be opposed to it 
[0.5] many of the high kind of one should also say most in fact i would say go 
so far to say make a generalization [0.2] all [0.3] of the high [0.3] er clergy 
is [0.2] noble [0.2] in fact it's usually very noble indeed very aristocratic 
the highest positions within the church [0.4] are almost monopolized by a small 
set of very aristocratic families [0.3] they're the people who [0.2] because 
they're nobles are against the revolution these al-, co-, al-, people also have 
a reason 
'cause they're religious [0.3] to be against the er revolution [1.4] what 
happens in seventeen-ninety-one and ninety-two is that [0.2] the [0.2] the 
national assembly realizing that France is divided on this [0.3] imposes an 
oath [0.3] of loyalty to the new civil constitution [0.6] if you vote for it [0.
3] fine you know you can stay within the church you can become a priest er you 
can become a bishop you you know you [0.3] everything will work well for you 
you are like a state [0.2] civil servant [0.3] for religion [0.8] if you don't 
however if you don't vote for it [0.3] er then [0.3] basically [0.3] you're out 
[0.3] you wha-, you haven't got the right to any position within the church you 
lose your salary you lose any [0.3] any sort of rights to a pension [1.6] late 
seventeen-ninety there is an oath [0.5] the clergy splits [0.4] down the middle 
[0.3] roughly half er vote for the [0.2] constitution civil constitution half 
against [0.5] interestingly you know is that just the clergy [0.2] which it 
takes [0.3] it's the clergy who are half for half against [0.5] very 
interesting work been done in recent years by an American 
historian called Timothy Tackett [0.3] T-A-C-K-E-double-T [0.9] and what he 
argues i think it's a convincing argument if you read the book [0.4] is that [0.
5] that [0.2] that oath which you know obviously it's the clergy that take [0.
3] fact that's like a sort of [0.4] popularity poll on the revolution by the 
whole of the French nation [0.4] because the people who are voting you know for 
it for the oath the clergy [0.4] are under pressure [0.2] from their 
parishioners or from the people in their [0.2] er neighbourhood to vote one way 
or another [0.4] in other words [0.3] the [0.2] complexion [0.3] of er the [0.
2] the sort of [0.3] religious the the geography if you like of voting for [0.
3] and voting against is is mapped over [0.2] a sort of [0.3] s-, a regional 
geography of [0.6] pro-church and anti-church [0.2] feeling [0.9] and this [0.
6] in France at least and i think this is not just France but [0.2] you know 
France is very very clear [0.2] this vote of seventeen-ninety-one [0.3] divides 
France for the rest of the seventeen-nineties [0.2] and indeed to a very 
considerable extent [0.2] for the next two centuries [0.6] if you 
look [0.2] for example at [0.3] who votes right and who votes left [0.3] in [0.
5] it's not so clear actually it must be said in the nineteen-eighties and 
nineteen-nineties but if you look in nineteen- [0.2] seventies [0.3] look at 
you know the voting pattern who's you know like in England [0.4] north of 
England normally votes er [0.3] er Labour the south [0.2] well you know i know 
it's been different since er Blair but you know that's usually the sort of what 
we expect [0.6] in France [0.4] you look at the map [0.2] and you see that the 
righ-, the places which vote right [0.3] and are therefore tend to be pro-
supporting [0.2] er supportive of the church [0.6] er [0.2] places like [0.2] 
the [0.2] Brittany in particular [0.2] in the west the Massif Central [0.2] 
these are very precisely the areas which voted against the civil constitution 
[0.3] in seventeen-ninety so in other words [0.4] religion [0.2] has broken 
apart has has [0.4] crea-, created a massive fissure [0.2] within the rev-, new 
revolutionary nation [0.3] which had been established in er seventeen-ninety [0.
3] the clergy therefore had to live this 
paradox [0.5] er seventeen-eighty-nine had seemed to open up er a new a new era 
to them [0.3] they had to accept that [0.3] er half of them at least are not 
finding this something they want to go along with fro-, [0.4] the the the the 
the unity of seventeen-eighty-nine [0.2] is breaking apart [2.5] in seventeen-
ninety-one [0.3] as you'll see [1.1] the situation sort of looks as if it's 
coming to a head [0.4] when Louis the Sixteenth the king [0.3] leaves [0.2] 
Paris secretly [0.4] clandestinely where [0.2] he feels he's being held 
prisoner [0.3] and makes a run for the border [0.3] makes a run for the 
frontier where all these émigré [0.2] er armies are [1.0] he's fortunately 
caught [0.5] er [0.3] before he gets there [1.9] he's brought back to Paris [0.
3] many people would say at that stage [0.2] [0.3] let's get rid for him [0.2] 
for heaven's sake you know the man's obviously against the revolution [0.2] 
he's actually creating more trouble than he's worth let's get rid of him [1.5] 
this [0.2] is [0.3] the exact [0.2] opposite of what in fact happened [0.7] 
okay because this gives er [0.4] the revolutionary national assembly a 
chance if you like to blackmail Louis the Sixteenth into accepting the new 
constitution [0.4] er which they are going to pass in seventeen-ninety-one [1.
0] creating a constitutional er monarchy [0.9] why don't they get rid of him [0.
2] [0.2] well because i think [0.2] very largely [0.8] you've got the pressure 
from the émigrés the pressure from er the the clergy as well [0.5] the other 
grouping i think in this period we would say isn't [0.3] which is living the 
paradox of the revolution [0.4] is [0.4] the lower classes and in particular 
the most politically conscious of those [0.3] the people in the towns the urban 
consumers [0.3] er [0.3] who are [0.9] they're often called in fact [0.4] and 
you'll get used to this term the sans-culottes [0.7] this does not mean that 
they didn't wear trousers by the way those who er have er er [0.5] sort of O-
level er G-C-S-E er French [0.3] sans-culottes this means without [0.2] knee 
breeches the knee breeches is the sign of er [0.4] gentility it shows you're 
sort of a gent [0.3] er [0.3] if you don't if you wear the straight trousers of 
the 
workman that means you're a worker [0.3] okay so [0.9] it's er [0.8] it's not 
always the case but er you know that's that's the idea okay so the sans-
culottes are the politically [0.2] [1.1] active group of the urban [0.4] er [0.
2] working and labouring classes [0.5] a lot of artisans a lot of shopkeepers 
as well [0.4] generally speaking [0.6] not those who are [0.2] have benefited 
most from the revolution 'cause this is the paradox for for many of these [0.5] 
the revolution has seemed to open up this era of equality [0.4] equality before 
the law [0.3] but that equality [0.2] does not make many people's lives better 
[2.0] in fact the economy is going through very considerable problems from 
seventeen-ninety seventeen-ninety-one [0.2] the e-, economy which has done well 
over the an-, the the Ancien Régime over the eighteenth century as i have 
argued [0.4] but [0.2] the disruption caused by the revolution is causing very 
severe problems [0.2] prices are going up [0.3] price of bread is going up [0.
3] er there's a lot of layoff with er of employment there's a lot of trade 
disruption 
a lot of industrial disruption as well [0.4] and so a lot of the as i say 
politically conscious er work-, labouring classes [0.3] are saying well look 
this is a revolution that's supposed to be equali-, about equality where where 
is the equality for us [0.8] and these people blame [0.6] the elite they blame 
the old elite they [0.2] they blame the King [0.3] they blame the nobility they 
blame the clergy [0.2] for not producing not delivering the goods if you like 
on the equality and the liberty [0.2] er which they've been er er promised [0.
9] and when the King comes back from Varennes [0.6] very precisely [0.3] there 
are massive [0.3] a massive growth within Paris er [0.4] of popular [0.4] 
antiroyalism [0.5] anti-, there's real antimonarchism coming out lot of people 
in other words are saying [0.3] which they never said in seventeen-eighty-nine 
they're saying let's have a republic [0.3] you know the King is hopeless you 
know [1.6] deputies in the national assembly are therefore caught in this very 
sort of odd [0.2] position whereby [0.2] they want the King because they need 
the King's [0.3] 
support for the revolution so that [0.2] they can fight against the émigrés 
the e-, and the nobles and the clergy who are wanting a return to the Ancien 
Régime [0.7] they [0.2] want the King so that they can prevent the lower 
classes [0.4] getting too powerful [0.3] getting above their station perhaps 
wanting a republic a more democratic system [0.3] than the one that which they 
have introduced [0.3] in seventeen-eighty-nine so in the summer of seventeen-
eighty-nine [0.3] so sorry of er seventeen-ninety-one [0.2] you in fact [0.2] 
find the King [0.2] despite the flight from Varennes [0.2] actually comes back 
into the national assembly [0.2] and there's sort of agreement between the 
national assembly and the King [0.3] let us have [0.3] a er a new constitution 
a new constitutional monarchy [0.6] a new constitution is elected a new 
assembly is elected seventeen-ninety-one [0.2] seems to be again [0.2] the 
possibility of a new [0.2] beginning [0.5] all those [0.2] paradoxes after that 
[0.3] will not go away 
nm0079: war [0.5] and revolution [2.4] some [0.3] you know sort 
of question that comes up on er on the er exam papers occasionally war and 
revolution and re-, [0.5] revolutionized the revolution is this true [0.4] well 
i think it is true and why [0.5] well [0.4] that's what i'm going to explain [0.
5] er [0.3] we've got a situation there when you've got a increased 
polarization [0.9] of er f-, [0.2] the French political system [0.4] by by the 
time you're going into seventeen-ninety-one [0.8] er [0.4] you've got [0.5] a 
counter-revolution [0.2] quite clearly developing [0.6] er you've got a [0.5] a 
r-, a strong revolutionary group but not the sort of harm-, harmonious 
community that you seem to be [0.4] introducing in seventeen-er -er -eighty-
nine [1.9] and you've got a king [0.4] er a pivotal figure who is the symbol [0.
3] to the counter-revolutionaries let's give the King back all his power from 
seventeen-eighty-nine [0.4] but it's also a symbol a contested symbol as well 
[0.2] for the revolutionaries 'cause they say well you know he's the man who's 
accepted [0.3] the revolution [0.9] the King continues to vacillate on the one 
hand supporting seeming to give 
support to the counter-revolution [0.4] then [0.2] finally under pressure [0.2] 
agreeing to er to er [0.4] er [0.6] er support the revolution [0.6] in the new 
[0.3] er [0.4] assembly [1.9] a group [0.6] who were called [0.4] very often 
called er by historians the Girondins 'cause they come from the department of 
the Gironde from many of them round Bordeaux [0.5] start arguing start arguing 
that maybe given the situation what [0.2] France really needs to create [0.2] a 
new unity or to refine that unity of seventeen-eighty-nine [0.6] is warfare [0.
6] to attack the Europe which seems to be so counter-revolutionary to wipe out 
those émigrés on the frontiers [0.3] who seem to be so er [0.4] er so 
contentious and so opposed to the revolution [0.5] and to reunite the nation [0.
3] er behind er the war [0.2] a war for revolution [0.4] and moreover [0.2] it 
will make the position of the King [0.2] utterly clear [0.6] there will be no 
longer the chance of sitting on the fence when you're at war [0.4] er you 
basically have to be for the war or against it [0.4] okay [1.6] they drift to 
war they go to war in er from [0.4] 
April seventeen-ninety-two [0.4] er [0.3] they're at [0.4] war a-, [0.2] 
against most of [0.6] Germany [0.2] ger-, most of Germany [0.5] er most of the 
rest of Europe comes in down to early er seventeen-er -ninety-three [1.2] what 
happens [0.4] well the King has to choose [0.3] but he doesn't [0.5] he doesn't 
choose he again continues to vacillate [0.2] at a time when it frankly is 
impossible to vacillate [0.4] and what happens on the tenth of August er 
seventeen-ninety-two [0.4] er is that there is a popular insurrection on these 
politically [0.4] sort of active er groups with er the sans-culottes within 
Paris reinforced by many people who were pouring through Paris so they can go 
and fight on the [0.3] er front [0.4] attack the Tuileries Palace [0.3] er pull 
him out of there s-, send him to prison [0.3] and er the national assembly has 
to accept the fact [0.3] that [0.5] you know you need a new constitution [0.4] 
which is a republican constitution [0.4] which is more [0.5] democratic [0.3] 
than the er constitution so far [0.3] er er which gives those sans-culottes 
some sort of stake in the nation [0.3] er and which can re-, [0.2] 
re-, er [0.2] reunite in a patriotic manner behind [0.3] the revolutionary 
assembly which will then go on and [0.3] er win the er win the war [0.6] so in 
other words what you had is a second revolution [0.2] in some ways [0.5] er at 
the time they looked back to say seventeen-eighty-nine saying [0.5] yeah 
seventeen-eighty-nine was the revolution of liberty that's when we got our 
freedom [0.2] if you like [0.4] seventeen-ninety-two [0.2] is the revolution of 
equality [0.4] where we s-, we took s-, liberty but we also [0.2] decided that 
equality was essential and we got rid of the King [0.3] and we tried to 
establish a republic [0.3] er er without er er a sort of som-, someone standing 
over [0.3] er er us and sort of telling us what to do or thinking they ought to 
return to the [0.3] old regime [0.3] er or whatever [1.7] just as [0.2] war has 
er [0.5] just as the revolution has become so polarized in other words so the 
war will make that polarization much [0.2] deeper [0.5] and moreover [0.3] make 
that polarization separated with groups one from another [0.2] by a line [0.2] 
a line of blood [0.2] a line of dead bodies a line of 
corpses [0.4] er because war [0.3] counterac-, war produces [0.4] a [0.4] er 
increasing level of violence [0.2] within revolution and counter-revolution [0.
3] which makes it very difficult to to [0.3] to go back to tho-, o-, those old 
days of er harmony [0.3] so for example in er following the er overthrow over 
the King [0.4] in er er [0.4] er August [1.3] lots of the people are going off 
to the front war's going terribly badly the er German [0.2] troops Prussian 
troops Austrian troops are not very far away from Paris it looks like they're 
kind of come and slaughter everyone [0.5] er [0.9] many of the sans-culottes 
many of the people come up through Paris going out to the front [0.3] er decide 
that if they're going to go out they don't want [0.2] the perison-, the 
prisoners within the Paris prison [0.5] breaking out of prison where they're 
allegedly various prison plots and slaughtering all their wives and children so 
[0.2] in fact the so-called September massacres [0.3] horrible horrible moment 
[0.4] er groups of sans-culottes go from prison to prison [0.5] basically 
massacring prisoners 
in vast numbers [0.3] innocent people [0.7] whole pile of prostitutes who were 
there they just [0.2] you know [0.3] they need they need blood [0.6] the 
revolution becomes [0.7] er a revolution of blood-drinkers buveurs de sang this 
is the way it looks from the revolution this is the way it looks [0.3] to 
English people at the [0.2] at this time as well [0.5] er [1.0] they go out 
these people they attack [0.2] er the the German troops they drive the German 
troops back [0.2] but from this moment on [0.3] the revolution has got that [0.
8] that sort of polarized that sort of [0.2] paradoxical thing on the one one 
hand [0.3] it has been a revolution about liberty and s-, allegedly equality [0.
4] but it's a revolution too about killing people [0.4] killing people [0.2] in 
prison who are not [0.2] who are not ba-, basically guilty of anything [0.2] 
apart from the fact that they're not enthusiastic supporters of the [0.4] er 
revolution and that [0.3] that line of blood if you like which is created from 
seventeen-ninety-two onwards [0.2] actually causes this sort of polarization to 
[0.2] to continue 
and be durable [0.3] er throughout the revolution and er and beyond [2.0] many 
of the Girondins [1.8] felt [0.3] that [0.3] war would be [0.2] successful [0.
5] war would be successful [0.8] er [0.7] but for a single country to take on 
the united forces of er Europe is frankly too much and the war goes actually [0.
3] by seventeen-ninety-three [0.2] extremely badly [0.5] it's not just at the 
front you're also getting internal counter- [0.3] revolution [0.3] er within er 
France in [0.5] western France in particular [0.6] in the department of the 
Vendée [0.5] er [1.4] there is a sort of full scale popular royalist uprising 
a peasant revolt if you like and what caused that well it was precisely the war 
because [0.4] the revolutionaries go in there and they try and [0.2] recruit [0.
2] they try and conscript local people [0.2] to go off to the front [0.3] er 
they revolt [0.2] that is the trigger if you like of a whole sort of area [0.2] 
becoming [0.4] massively [0.3] er [0.3] a-, counter-revolutionary in the name 
of church and king [0.6] and there are other areas like that in the 
middle of seventeen-ninety-three it looks literally as if France is going to 
fall apart [0.3] the whole of France is going to fall apart [0.4] er [0.4] the 
[0.2] armies are sort of pouring in over every er front er the British navy is 
blockading all the ports [0.2] it is probably one of the most serious occasions 
in [0.2] er French er history for just er survival [0.9] survive [0.4] they do 
[0.4] they survive through war they survive through [0.2] terror let's take war 
first [0.9] Ancien Régime armies okay now [0.3] sort of [0.3] very very er [1.
7] er [0.7] you've got a [4.3] incredibly [0.2] simplistic sort of Ladybird 
guidebook [0.6] guide to er [0.6] conduct of war coming up [0.2] okay [0.5] 
under the in the eighteenth century armies [0.2] fight against each other in 
lines [0.6] they're all in er [0.2] lines like this [0.4] and they [0.3] march 
across through [0.2] lines are always very long 'cause if you don't then 
obviously it's rather [0.4] er [0.4] vulnerable to er sort of flanking attack 
so you have to lengthen 
the lines as much as possible so you can't be sort of like er surrounded [0.6] 
er they're all incredibly well trained so one [0.3] line sort of shoots you 
know then they sort of go to the back to reload second line comes through 
volley fire all the rest of it like that [0.2] okay [0.4] i don't know if 
you've ever seen a film like this all those red coats marching along you know 
firing [0.2] that's it [0.2] okay [1.6] revolution [0.2] most of the officer 
corps emigrates [0.2] in France they just can't [0.2] do it you can't train a 
load of peasants who are enthusiastic [0.5] er to er [0.2] to to fight like 
that you need [0.2] years of training so that you can fight under that sort of 
discipline [0.3] don't know if you've ever been in the Boy Scouts or the [0.3] 
C-C-F or whatever you know you where you sort of like walk in a line across 
broken country [0.7] the girls here have been have you [0.4] er it's very 
difficult to do [0.2] it's very difficult to do you need training okay [0.9] 
most of that training has gone [0.6] France is facing the armies of Ancien 
Régime 
Europe who have this training [0.4] how do they actually [0.4] manage to [0.4] 
sort of just hold up against those armies [0.3] well [0.3] the way they do that 
is that they use the single thing that they've got well the two things they've 
got going for them [0.3] one is [0.3] numbers [0.4] people are enthusiastic 
about the revolution they actually want to win [0.4] they want to beat the army 
and they want to go home [0.2] okay [0.6] and secondly besides er er numbers [1.
2] they have [0.7] obviously [0.2] enthusiasm [0.6] so numbers and enthusiasm 
[0.3] is the way in which [0.5] the revolutionary [0.3] er armies [0.2] er [0.
3] conquer [1.3] instead of coming in this sort of linear way they basically [0.
3] form if you like again okay it's incredibly simplistic and in fact any 
military historian [0.3] er in [0.5] in here please [0.4] put something over 
your ears but [0.9] as i say it's just a simplified very s-, [0.5] very much [0.
7] running [0.4] at the enemy [0.3] firing as they go [0.4] basically [0.4] 
frightening the shit out of the er [laughter] the enemy by these wild men who 
come [0.2] come who come 
enthusiastically towards you [0.3] shooting off as they go [0.5] and punching a 
hole [0.3] through these er these lines by just sort of sheer force of numbers 
okay [0.4] that's the way that the revolution is witne-, er [0.2] Marshal er 
sorry not Marshal er General er [0.3] er Hoche [0.2] says H-O-C-H-E he says 
what have we got we've got [0.2] fire [0.3] steel and patriotism [0.3] okay [0.
6] enthusiasm [0.4] fire [0.3] steel okay close in close in the puncture that 
hole destroy wipe out the er [0.2] the sort of linear [0.3] perfection of the 
of the Ancien 
Régime armies and and conquer and that's what they do they're very successful 
as we see when er we're talking about Napoleon [0.3] that's his type of 
fighting er [0.2] er as well so [0.2] as well as and arguing as well as 
revolutionizing er [0.4] as er as long as as well as the war revolutionizing 
the revolution [0.3] we would also say that the revolution revolutionized 
warfare [0.4] er that the [0.2] the way in which warfare was fought war was 
fought [0.2] is changed like this it's sort of like a mass army [0.2] in other 
words and [0.3] is precisely and this is something we'll talk about later in 
the term the up-, [0.2] in August of er [0.2] er [0.3] of seventeen-ninety-
three the levée en masse is declared by the national assembly that is every 
person [0.3] in the whole of the er [0.3] er republic has the duty to [0.2] 
support the er the war effort in some ways [0.3] old men should sort of collect 
[0.2] er saltpetre to be made into gunpowder [0.2] women should sort of knit 
socks for the people at the front and men have the right and the duty [0.2] if 
they're called on to go 
and fight for the front so this is [0.2] sort of [0.3] first inkling of this 
idea of mass warfare which is obviously such an important thing in the 
nineteenth and particularly [0.3] er the twentieth er [0.2] er century [1.6] so 
around that [0.6] patriotism how do you get people to [0.5] how do you mobilize 
that enthusiasm obviously the revolution has brought much in seventeen-ninety-
three [0.4] er [0.3] how in seven-, in seventeen-eighty-nine how in seventeen-
ninety-three do you make people want to go out and you know even kill 
themselves on the battlefield for er [0.2] an entity France which probably 
didn't mean very much to them [0.2] er before seventeen-eighty-nine [0.6] well 
there are two arms to the strategy [0.5] er of within France of [0.2] 
mobilizing the nation in this way i've sort of given some of the [0.3] er 
things here [0.4] er very si-, [0.2] very [0.5] simplistically i would say [0.
4] radical social policies [0.5] and terror [0.5] okay let's start with radical 
social policies 'cause they are often forgotten [0.4] er because people have a 
view of the terror 
which is almost entirely [0.3] er negative [0.4] but if you were writing the 
history of the welfare state [0.3] you would make a big detour [0.2] er into 
this period because it's precisely in this period that [0.2] the French 
legislative asse-, the French er national convention [0.2] and particularly 
this guy particularly Robespierre [0.2] argued that in order to [0.2] give 
people something [0.3] to fight for you've got to give them something you've 
got to introduce [0.4] the maximum in other words a ceiling on prices so grain 
and bread is at an affordable price [0.3] you've got to introduce a whole 
welfare package for [0.3] er families of er er of soldiers [0.2] for the aged 
for the infirm [0.5] whole sort of set of new hospitals and all the rest of it 
a whole sort of set of welfare provision [0.4] er within this er period [0.5] 
er so that people have something to fight for [2.3] and if they're not [0.2] if 
they're not enthusiastic [0.3] if they're not keen then you have to frighten 
them [0.3] into being keen as well that's the other side you a-, the terror 
side [0.3] is that you use 
violence the violence of the revolutionary state [0.4] er against [0.2] the 
enemies of the republic [0.4] er [0.2] both without and within so you've got 
the e-, the the idea of [0.3] of this su-, sort of new national [0.4] er this 
new nation fighting against the er [0.3] er the the the the forces of counter-
revolutionary Europe [0.2] but within you've got also a set of [0.2] 
terroristic policies [0.4] meant to [0.4] keep the enemies of the revolution 
quiet and even [0.4] er in its more horrible e-, er exemplifications to 
liquidate them [0.3] so you have a revolutionary tribunal a special court where 
anyone accused of a [0.2] a counter-revolutionary offence will go and this 
becomes tighter and tighter [0.2] and more defined basically anyone can go [0.
2] er and have their head chopped off by the by the summer of seventeen-ninety-
four [0.3] you have a committee of public safety a war cabinet but also a sort 
of terror cabinet [0.3] in which the Robespierre faction the person [0.2] 
Robespierre as i say who gets this sort of [0.2] this strategy of er [0.3] war 
on the frontiers but er so-, 
radical social policy give the people something to fight for [0.2] let them 
rally around the flag of the republic [0.4] er [0.8] er Robespierre dominates 
the committee of public safety you've got [0.3] er the maximum the law of 
suspects er sort of very m-, very vague definition of counter-revolution [0.4] 
and you've got these représentants en mission deputies elected to the national 
assembly going [0.2] into the provinces [0.4] and using violence against anyone 
who seems to be counter-revolutionary [0.4] i mean some of the famous ones 
people like Carrier in Nantes where he sort of puts whole piles of [0.3] 
priests and counter-revolutionaries on boats floats them out into the middle of 
the [0.2] River Loire and then pulls the plugs and so thousands of people die 
[0.3] or Lyon or indeed in in the Vendée where people where basically in 
certain [0.4] you've got a sort of free fire zone essentially in many parts of 
of er [0.2] er Brittany and in some of the other areas of counter-revolution [0.
3] where if you see anyone [0.3] with a rifle in your hand [0.3] in their hands 
you shoot them if you're a a revolutionary soldier [0.3] and you go through a 
policy of s-, of burning [0.2] houses down killing [0.2] er civil populations 
and all the rest of it [0.3] that horrible side of the revolution [0.2] 
horrible side of the revolution [0.4] which is however [0.3] effective [2.4] 
the Marseillaise [0.3] is created the the French er national anthem is created 
precisely at this time in in August i think by seventeen-ninety-two [0.6] er 
don't know if you've ever listened to the words of the Marseillaise or or 
translated them [0.3] it's all about blood flowing through er [0.2] er through 
furrows and things like that it is a v-, [0.2] it's a marching song a 
militaristic song [0.4] er the idea's that French republic is an army a nation 
with rights [0.4] the citizen is a rights bearing individual [0.2] but he's 
also an arms bearing cit-, er cit-, citizen he bears arms [0.2] to defend [0.3] 
er the r-, the er republic [0.5] and this policy is successful because by 
seventeen-ninety-four [0.4] er [1.2] er what's happening is that [0.4] i should 
have put the third heading [0.5] er as well [4.4] 
what's happening by seventeen er ni-, ninety-four is that the [0.4] counter-
revolutionary armies are being driven back France there aren't any more sort of 
troops or anything on French soil in fact the French are pushing them into 
their own er [0.2] into Europe as we'll see when talking about this er [0.3] er 
next week [0.9] er [2.5] so [0.3] to a certain extent the terror has its 
justification [0.9] you know this is a horrible way a a horrible logic if you 
like the terror has its justification and that it's successful [0.2] it defends 
France against it it allows the [0.3] it allows France to stay geographically 
united even though socially and politically it's very [0.4] er divided [1.9] 
and by the middle of seventeen-ninety-four you've got a [0.5] a choice [0.3] 
it's open to you really if you're within er er France if you're as long as 
you're keeping your head down if you're a counter-revolutionary obviously but 
if you're a revolutionary you have two choices [0.5] one of them is to say well 
terror [0.4] you know we don't like what's [0.2] gone on in the terror but 
it has been successful at least so let's go back to [0.2] you know what it was 
before let's go back and [0.3] to sort of seventeen-ninety-two or seventeen-
ninety [0.3] or something let's [0.3] dismantle [0.3] all this er sort of stuff 
all this sort of apparatus [0.3] of terror this apparatus of er [0.2] er strong 
centralized government which has been set up by the war emergency [1.5] and yet 
[0.3] there is that group and yet there is another group [0.4] er Robespierre 
is perhaps the most prominent and certainly the most articulate of them [0.3] 
who say no [1.0] no turning back this is the time [0.2] to create a new 
republic that new man which we talked about in seventeen-eighty-na nine [0.3] 
may have been a new man of [0.3] the age of liberty what we need is a new man 
[0.3] of the age of [0.2] equality [0.4] even though in other words the war is 
being won and the the the sort of rationalization for terror is no longer there 
[0.2] let's take things [0.2] er further [0.3] what is very interesting and i i 
think it's also one of the reasons why this [0.3] paradox about the 
revolutionary le-, legacy is 
so powerful [0.2] and yet so difficult for us in the ni-, [0.3] in the 
twentieth and nineteenth and twentieth century [0.4] er is that [0.2] where 
Robespierre gets his ideas from [0.5] where this idea of a purification of the 
nation [0.4] er of more radical social legislation more equality within the [0.
2] er within the system [0.4] is very precisely [0.2] from [0.6] the 
Enlightenment [0.7] the Enlightenment [0.3] i've argued has created the sort of 
conditions the social conditions [0.3] and the ideology [0.2] that the 
discourses which make seventeen-eighty-nine [0.3] er possible [0.3] what 
historians get very agitated about very divided about [0.3] er very upset about 
sometimes [0.3] is that the the the ideology and the discourses of 
Enlightenment [0.3] have also seemed to prove the [0.2] pr-, provide the 
justification [0.4] er behind [0.2] the reign of terror [0.4] the idea that [0.
3] a new republic of virtue [0.2] that's what Robespierre is always talking 
about virtue [0.4] er that one can get a new civ-, [0.3] er a new civic system 
of equality [0.2] where everyone basically has a sort of [0.4] direct and equal 
relationship 
to each other [0.2] and in which the state sits over er er er above them [0.4] 
and so [0.4] er we have a situation where Robespierre is sticking up and his 
supporters on the Committee of Public Safety [0.2] you know the these [0.3] the 
storm centre the the the sort of brain centre [0.3] of the terror [0.6] and 
much of the rest of the the political nation are thinking well surely this is 
the time to draw back this is not the time [0.3] to to to go on [0.6] but such 
is the terror that there is not by late by the spring of seventeen-ninety-four 
the sort of freedom of opinion freedom of speech which you've had in seventeen-
eighty-nine [0.5] people are frightened [0.3] that's this is why you know there 
are a lot of those ideas about the terror [0.2] being a sort of [0.4] 
protototalitarian system you know [0.4] that that sort of fear [0.3] in which 
people never know whether there's going to be a knock on the door [0.2] they're 
frightened of the meaning of words where you know you can use the word [0.4] er 
s-, er [0.4] er er subject instead of citizen and you'll be seen to be a 
counter-revolutionary 
in which you can say [0.3] i quite liked the Louis the Sixteenth and you'll end 
up before the revolutionary tribunal [0.3] so [0.5] opinion opinion is no 
longer free [0.3] so how do you get rid how do you change it [0.8] you have to 
get rid of Robespierre this is what many of the people who got rid of him later 
say [0.2] they say [0.6] we couldn't do anything you had to kill him [0.2] 
there was no way out Robespierre has to go the symbol of this new idea of [0.3] 
of of revolutionary virtue has to be executed [0.3] there is a coup d'état [0.
3] er on the [0.2] n-, ninth of Thermidor under the new calendar the twenty-
seventh of July seventeen-ninety-four [0.3] where he he h-, he is [0.5] 
captured [0.3] he and they are all executed a gang of them are executed [0.2] 
er the next day [0.2] the the people who've been the driving force the van if 
you like of the movement for social regeneration and political regeneration [0.
3] social welfare policies [0.3] but also terror [0.4] but also terror [0.3] so 
you know very much the two sides [0.3] are removed and one can [0.2] if you 
like [0.5] the revolutionaries who get get the sense of going back so that they 
can get go forward they've got over the political crisis [0.3] they've got over 
[0.2] er the social divisions if you like of seventeen er ninety-three 
to four they've fought back the the armies [0.4] seventeen-ninety-five they can 
sort of [0.5] move forward without Robespierre without the option [0.2] of a 
terroristic policy [0.2] hopefully at least [0.2] and create [0.2] er er a new 
political system in which those virtues of seventeen-eighty-nine [0.3] and 
seventeen-ninety-one those liberal [0.2] er equalities those lib-, liberal and 
free [0.3] er free virtues of of seventeen-eight [0.2] eighty-nine to ninety-
one [0.2] er will be dominant and not the virtue [0.2] er not the liberty not 
the equality [0.2] er as it's been interpreted [0.3] er under Robespierre [0.3] 
so [0.2] the very vocabulary [0.4] in which we think in which revolutionaries 
in seventeen-ninety f-, nineties think about these things [0.3] but in which we 
[0.4] into the late s-, er late twentieth century [0.2] are still thinking [0.
3] er about the er [0.2] about er politics [0.3] what does freedom mean what 
does equality mean [0.3] how do these two things actually mesh [0.2] in any 
political er system [0.4] er [0.2] these things have become in that sort of 
short laboratory like period er [0.2] of of just four or five years [0.3] er [0.
9] up into the open [0.2] up into discussion they've become the thing fa-, the 
framework within which [0.3] er we all try and live [0.3] okay have a nice 
weekend