nm0051: er [0.4] last week i was dealing with the invasions of Julius Caesar [0. 4] and from the point of view [0.7] of [0.4] the reasons that he gives [0.9] for the fifty-five and fifty-four invasions i hope that the main message [0.4] came across [0.8] was that he actually does give us some form of reasoning [0. 6] and motivation for his fifty-five [0.4] invasion [1.9] even if we have to read between the lines to establish it [1.3] whereas for the [0.3] fifty-four invasion [0.4] there is very little concrete evidence [0.3] within his commentaries [0.7] and the reason for this i think is fairly clear [1.6] that [0.2] if he had actually stated [0.4] when he came to write his [0.3] commentaries years later [0.4] if he'd actually stated [0.7] a motive [0.2] in coming to Britain that year [0.6] he could well have found himself in difficulties [1.1] with a charge of not having achieved [0.4] that particular aim [0.5] after all [0.2] if [0.2] conquest [0.8] was his aim then he [0.3] singularly failed to achieve it [0.5] if economic gain [0.3] was his aim [0.5] as it was and certainably [0.3] was certainly for some of his er [0.4] companions [0.6] those extra five ships that went along with him [0.3] then that too [1.1] was [0.5] not forthcoming there was no profit to be made from the fifty-four [0.4] invasion [0.6] hence the silence [0.3] about motivation [1.6] the relative failure [0.5] of the fifty-four invasion from the point of view of propaganda and real achievement [0.5] can also be seen in the reaction that it produced [0. 3] within Rome itself [1.0] there was no great thanksgiving celebration [0.4] such as had greeted the fifty-five invasion [0.4] when there was a twenty [0.4] day [0.5] er period [0.3] of thanksgiving [0.9] and what evidence we have [0.6] of the way that the fifty-four invasion was looked at [0.7] suggests that it was something [0.5] of [0.3] er [0.3] a fiasco [0.5] in the Roman eyes [0.6] er [0.3] we look for instance in the source book on page thirty-four [0.2] for the verdict of somebody like Cicero somebody at the heart [0.3] of senatorial government [0.4] and you can hear [0.7] the irony [0.2] in what the ap-, absolute sarcasm [0.7] in the words that he [0.3] puts in his letters [0.3] to [0.4] Atticus his friend [0.8] he says [0.7] it's also become clear that there isn't an ounce of silver in the island [0.6] nor any prospect of booty except slaves [0.9] i don't suppose you're expecting any of them to be accomplished in literature [0.2] or music [0. 2] in other words [0.3] pretty poor quality material [1.4] and then later on he says [0.3] the campaign in Britain is complete [0.4] hostages have been received [0.5] there's no booty [0.8] tribute has however been imposed [0.3] and they're bringing back the arm [0.3] from Britain [4.0] as i said last time [0.2] Caesar's involvement [0.6] with Britain after his return from the fifty- four [0.8] er invasion [0.7] simply ceased so far as we can tell [0.6] he had [0.4] his hands full in Gaul with the great uprising [0.2] of Vercingetorix [0. 4] and thereafter [0.3] never had the opportunity [0.4] to renew [0.4] any plans he may have had [0.4] for a third expedition [2.4] the terms though [0.4] that he'd imposed upon people like Cassivellaunus [0.2] at the end of the fifty-four campaign [0.6] do suggest however [0.2] that Caesar saw [0.6] that campaign as a preliminary [0.5] to an eventual Roman takeover [1.3] the very fact that he imposed tribute [1.0] is one of the first stages [0.9] in [0.4] a Roman takeover of an area [1.2] but it was to be [0.5] something like ninety years [1. 3] before the Romans actually got round [0.5] to a third [0.4] and this time successhful successful [0.4] invasion [0.4] or conquest [0.6] now what i want to start doing today [0.4] is to look at what happened in those [0.2] ninety years [1.0] we have to admit that our sources of information are pretty [0.2] poor [1.7] if you read one of the handbooks like that by Salway you will get established there [0.3] a history for the period [1.4] that is based upon [0.2] such information as does exist [0.8] but that information [1.6] comes from two sources [0.5] neither of them p-, [0.5] particularly [0.7] er overflowing with detail [0.3] or ostensible accuracy [1.1] there's the literary record [0.4] that i'll be looking at soon [1.0] and [0.2] there is [0.2] the coin evidence [0.4] of developments in coinage [0.8] within Britain itself [0.8] because we have to look at this process not only from the point of view [0.4] of what was happening in Rome [0.8] that prevented a third invasion [0.4] until [0.2] ninety years later and the reign of the emperor Claudius [0.4] but we have to look at what was going on [0.3] in Britain as well because in neither case [0.8] was the situation static [2.6] certainly from the point of view of the native tribes of south-east Britain [0.5] immediately after the departure [0.5] of Caesar [0.4] there was [0.2] every [0.6] er [0.2] incentive [0.4] on the part of some of them [0.4] to maintain [1.1] close and friendly relations with Rome [1.5] Mandubracius for instance of the Trinovantes [0.3] had a vested interest [0.8] in that [0.9] connection [1.0] because it was upon the [0.2] protection [0.4] of Caesar [0.6] that he owed [0.3] his [0.3] very existence [0.4] as King [0.5] of [0.2] the [0.4] Trinovantes down in Essex [1. 7] and yet even people like Cassivellaunus [1.1] shows no signs of having broken the agreement [0.6] that he made with Caesar [1.6] but the one thing to bear in mind about such agreements is that they are not interstate [0.4] agreements they're not like present day treaties [0.4] between one country and another [0.7] they're agreements between one individual commander [0.5] and another [0.9] and any of such an agreement [0.4] undergoes a radical change when one of those two people dies [0.3] in other words [0.7] the treaty [0.2] the agreement [0.3] dies with them [0.8] and this is one of the reasons [0.3] no doubt [0.3] that changes [0.4] didn't come about [4.5] perhaps the first [1.0] event [0.2] that happened which has a bearing upon Romano-British relations [0.7] is [0.2] the history of Commius [1. 3] Commius the Atrebate who was so helpful [0.5] to Caesar in the [0.4] invasions [0.8] because during the great Gallic uprising Commius [0.5] changed sides [0.2] took the sides of the Gauls [0.8] and [0.3] was eventually forced [0.6] to quit Gaul [0.6] and become a refugee [0.5] within Britain where he seems to have [0.5] set himself up [0.5] as king [0.2] among the Atrebates [0. 2] of the Hampshire region [1.3] and that's one of the tribes [0.4] that's important [0.4] for the next [0.4] ninety years [4.4] this is where the coin record comes in [2.5] in those ninety years we have a succession of coin issues being produced [1.1] by a number of dynasts or kings within Britain [1.9] in no case [1.6] does that coin actually signify [0.3] which tribe it came from [2.0] we're reliant upon that kind of information [0.4] from looking at the concentration of find spots [2.6] so this particular series of coins [0.4] is Atrebatic [0.5] that particular series of coins [0.3] belongs to the Catuvellauni [0.4] that particular series of coins [0.3] belongs [0.3] to [0.3] the Trinovantes and so on [0.4] but there is a complication [0.6] in this that has arisen [1.0] in recent years in fact there are two complications [1.2] one is that one of the prime [0.3] characters of the period [0.4] seems to have changed his name [2.0] the successor to Commius of the Atrebate [0.3] has for a long time [0.6] been known in the handbooks [0. 2] and you'll find it in Salway [0.2] as [0.3] Tincommius [0.4] this was a a restoration [0.7] of his name [0.4] based upon what was extant [0.3] in two sources [0.3] one of those sources [0.3] is a copy of [0.7] the achievements of the emperor Augustus [0.4] that he himself wrote [0.3] and which [0.9] is extant [0.4] as a monumental [0.4] piece of er [0.7] epigraphy [0.3] in Ankara [0.2] within Turkey [0.4] but unfortunately [0.2] the only letters [0.2] available [1.0] are tin or [1.9] tim [2.0] and er putting that together with what else was found [0.4] at the last of the at the end of the last century suggested that [0.2] here we will have we have [0.2] evidence of [0.4] a ruler called Tincommius [0.4] the similarity with the name of Commius [0.4] provided an obvious [0.5] dynastic link [1.6] with all the coins themselves of this ruler [0.3] we get as far as Tincom [4.2] and that actually seemed to be very good in so far as it [0.3] took us one stage further but it didn't supply the end of the name [0.6] in nineteen-ninety- six in Hampshire was found a [0.4] hoard [1.0] of coins [0.3] produced by [1.1] Tincommius [1.0] but unfortunately [0.4] or fortunately rather [0.5] the name was complete [1.2] and we now know this character is Tincommarus [0.5] which basically translates as big fish [0.9] an important man obviously [1.3] so [0. 7] that is one of the problems [0.6] presented by the coin [0.2] record sometimes names change [1.2] another problem [0.4] comes from interpretation [0.8] of the coin record [0.6] if you read Salway [0.4] you'll see the coin record being used [0.5] for [1.4] the establishment of a period [0.3] of [0.3] aggrandisement [0.8] on the part of the Catuvellauni of Hertfordshire [0.7] and the surrounding counties [0.6] against their eastern neighbours the Trinovantes [0.6] against their southern neighbours [0.6] the Cantiaci of Kent [0.4] and the Atrebates [0.5] of [0.3] Hampshire [3.4] this has recently [0.3] been put into question [0.7] by [0.5] er a numismatist based actually in New York [0.8] called Van Arsdell [1.2] and if you read the various sections [0.4] of his book on Celtic coinage [0.5] you'll see that he in fact [0.3] he postulates [0.6] not conflict [0.6] between [0.2] the Catuvellauni [0.4] and the Trinovantes [1.3] but an actual coming together [0.3] of those two [0.6] peoples [0.6] into a single unit [0.4] to explain why we find [0.4] coins [0.3] which seem to have been [0.2] produced by [0.4] the king of [0.2] one tribe [2.0] produced [0.3] at the capital [0.4] of the other tribe [2.2] all this is nicely set out if at some [0.7] great length [0.4] by a book by David Braund which i'll put back into the library [0.3] after this lecture [0.8] it's called [0.2] Ruling Roman Britain [0.3] and has a good [0.2] section on the coinage [0.2] and [0.3] on this particular period [0. 5] in particular [1.2] er [1.9] my [1.4] complaint about Braund and about Van Arsdell though is that they tend to be totally [0.3] literal [1.1] for instance [0.4] as we saw last time [0.7] Cassivellaunus [0.9] er the [0.4] main linchpin [0.5] of the resistance to the [0.7] fifty-four invasion by Caesar [0.5] is usually made [0.2] the king of the Catuvellauni [0.6] that fact is nowhere mentioned [0.2] in any of the ancient [0.2] evidence [0.4] of the fifty-four invasion [0.4] and people like [0.9] er [0.2] Braund [0.2] and Van Arsdell [0. 2] would [0.4] question whether it's valid [0.6] they pooh-pooh the similarity of the name Catuvellauni as the tribe [0.3] and Cassivellaunus [0.3] as the individual [1.3] it's that kind of [0.2] literalism if it isn't stated in the [0.2] ancient authorities it can't be true [0.3] which [0.2] cre-, er causes these people [0.3] to go too far [0.5] and [0.2] really [0.9] to [1.0] prevent any meaningful establishment [0.5] of the history [0.5] of the period [0.9] but what i want to give you though is first of all the traditional view of what was happening within Britain [0.4] and then we can have a look [0.5] at [0.2] the problems [0.2] created by the new evidence [0.7] so we go back to Commius [0.4] who establishes himself [0.6] in [0.7] the t-, the territory of the Atrebates round about [0.2] fifty-two [0.4] B-C [0.6] he's eventually [0.3] succeeded by Tincommarus [4.1] and it's at this point [0.3] that we get [0.2] some evidence [0.2] within the sources for [0.3] relations with Rome [2.1] according to our main source who is really Strabo a Greek writer who [0.3] completed [0.4] his geographical work and i stress that it is a geographical work [1.1] er round about A-D twenty [1.0] we find [0.2] that [1.7] from the Roman point of view [0. 8] intervention in Britain was something to be put on hold [1.2] Strabo says [0. 2] that [1.9] taxing [0.6] the exports [0.9] from the Roman empire into Britain [0.2] before they left the continent [0.5] brought in more money [1.0] than [0. 7] theoretically [0.4] er an outright takeover of Britain [0.4] would realize and therefore it just simply wasn't working [0.3] on economic grounds [1.5] we also hear [2.0] of [1.6] dedications [0.9] by [0.2] British kings [0.8] made [0. 7] to the r-, to Rome and its gods [0.2] on the Capitol hill [0.3] within Rome itself [0.8] an indication [0.3] of close and friendly contacts [0.3] so in this period there were from time to time contacts they were friendly [0.5] there was obviously something to be gained [0.3] one way [0.4] or another [0.2] for both sides [1.6] but nevertheless [1.5] the threat [0.7] of [0.2] a Roman invasion of Britain [0.9] could be [0.2] a very valuable diplomatic tool [1.9] and this is why i think we hear [0.4] of projected [0.2] expeditions to Britain [0.5] by Julius Caesar's [0.7] successor [0.4] the first emperor Augustus [0.8] on a number of occasions [1.6] we hear for instance [0.4] of a projected invasion [0. 3] in thirty-four B-C from Dio Cassius [2.0] we hear of another one [0.4] in twenty-seven B-C [0.4] another one [0.3] in twenty-six B-C [0.3] in each case [0.8] Dio Cassius alleges that there was something more important happening [0. 5] that [0.2] diverted Augustus' attention [0.3] away from Britain [1.4] a rebellion [0.2] for instance [0.3] elsewhere within the empire [2.5] there's also [1.0] the idea of [0.3] a [0.2] Roman takeover of Britain [0.2] being kept alive [0.4] through [0.3] the non-historical literature [0.2] of the period [1. 5] poets like [0.7] Tibullus [0.2] and Propertius [0.5] and [0.2] Horace [0.8] all mention from time to time within their [0.5] writings [0.2] the possibilities [0.5] of [0.3] a Roman [0.5] intervention [0.5] within Britain [1. 3] we hear about it [0.3] shortly before [0.2] twenty-seven B-C from Tibullus [0.9] actually in twenty-seven B-C [0.4] from Propertius [0.5] the same in the case of Horace [1.5] Horace mentions it again [1.1] in the context of twenty- six B-C [0.4] and again [0.2] in the context [0.4] of twenty-three B-C [3.1] now [0.5] why [0.5] would [0.6] Augustus [0.2] sanction [1.6] such overt references [0.5] within literature [2.2] people like Horace were court poets [0. 5] what they wrote [0.6] was sanctioned [1.1] wasn't [0.3] a free agent [1.2] well as i've said [1.2] there is a diplomatic [0.7] element here [1.3] the very threat of a Roman takeover [0.5] presented to Britain [1.3] the suggestion [0. 9] that [0.4] a [0.8] friendly relationship with Rome [0.3] was better [0.3] than a hostile one [0.3] which would provide the pretext [0.6] for [0.9] intervention [1.5] there was also something for Augustus [0.4] to gain [0.5] from such a possible [0.4] intervention [1.8] especially in in the early years of Augustus' reign [1.7] by associating himself [2.0] with [0.2] the achievements [1.2] of Julius Caesar [2.1] through [0.5] the fifty-five and fifty-four invasions [0.2] Augustus [0.8] may well have thought that he was strengthening his own position [0.6] as the legitimate [0.4] successor [1.3] to one of the [0.2] major figures [0.3] of the first century [0.8] er B-C [1.9] and so from the Roman point of view [0.9] that kind of thing [0.9] was something to be [0.5] kept [0.2] on the [0.7] back burner [0.2] if not on the front burner [5.3] with time though [0.4] things [0.5] did shift [4.6] it's likely [0.6] that at some period [0.4] before [1.4] A-D seven [0.4] and we can't put it [0.3] better than that [1.2] er Tincommius [0.7] was forced [0.2] to leave Britain [0.2] and to take refuge [0.8] in [0.4] Rome or rather [0.2] let's call him Tincommarus [1.2] we know this [0.2] from the evidence [0.7] of Augustus [0.2] himself [0.4] in that [0.4] monument [0.5] in Ankara [1.8] he lists for [1.4] the period [0.3] well the last date that we can actually [0.4] be certain about on the list [0.4] is [0.4] er twenty-five B-C [0.8] but he gives us the list of the [0.2] of [1.0] ruling [0.2] princes and kings [0.3] who sought refuge with him in Rome [1.0] and he gives us two British [0.2] rulers [0.9] one [0.2] Dubnovellaunus [0.8] and the other [0.6] this [0.2] Tincommarus figure [0.5] that we've dealt with [4.1] i give the the the date A- D seven because that's the date that you'll find in the handbooks [0.6] if you read Van Arsdell [0.8] he seems to limit [0.3] Tincommarus' reign [0.7] er [1.0] between [0.6] thirty B-C [0.4] and ten B-C [0.8] though Van Arsdell's record for [0.2] dating within his book [0.4] has been [0.5] er a matter of some concern [0.4] to the viewers [2. 6] now what might have caused Tincommarus [1.0] to leave [0.6] the territory of the Atrebates and seek refuge [0.2] with Augustus [0.8] well there are two possibilities either [0.3] an external [0.4] invasion [0.4] or a palace coup [1. 4] and the fact that he seems to be replaced [0.4] not by somebody from outside but by another Atrebate [0.3] this case [0.2] this case Eppillus [0.3] suggests that it was a palace coup [0.6] that er [0.7] produced the change [0.8] just as Eppillus [0.4] seems to have been replaced in time [0.7] by [0.5] another figure called Verica [1.2] now each of these [0.6] on some of their coins describes himself [0.6] as son of [0.3] Commius [0.2] it has the Latin [0.8] er tag [0.3] com [0.2] F com filius [3.2] whether this is actually a dynastic link [1.0] or whether it's a little bit of fiction [0.5] in order to establish [0.5] the legitimacy [0.4] of their rule [0.3] nobody knows [0.4] but it is there [0. 2] and it's also significant [0.6] that the language [0.3] that starts appearing upon these coins [0.6] is Latin [1.9] it's rare that one is getting [0.2] anything [0.9] Celtic [1.2] the only Celtic [0.9] term that we find [0.5] on the coins [0.6] is [8.1] that term [0.2] which seems to be [0.2] Celtic for [0.3] king [0. 7] Celtic equivalent [0.3] of the Latin [0.5] rex [2.1] when in fact a number of these er [0.9] kings [0.6] especially people like Verica [0.2] do put the Latin title rex [0.8] king [0.4] upon [0.3] their kings [0.3] and the very fact that they choose to do it in Latin [1.0] suggests a [0.9] a recognition [0.5] by Rome [0.5] of their position [0.3] within Britain in other words that they are [1.3] in a state of some kind of an agreement [0.4] with the central Rome authorities [3.3] of all the Catuvellauni to the north [0.2] of the Atrebates [0.9] we know that Cassivellaunus [0.3] was succeeded [0.3] at some stage the traditional date is round about twenty B-C [0.7] by a ruler called Tasciovanus [0.7] and he's producing coins [0.4] from [0.8] a new capital [0.4] of [0.2] Verulamium [0.7] which is now [0.2] Saint Albans [0.3] we know this because he puts V-E-R [0.9] on his coins [0.6] a shortened form of the name [0.6] er [0.2] Verulamium is simply a Latinized form of Verulam [1.4] the Celtic term [1.6] in effect [0.4] Tasciovanus was the first king of this tribe [0.3] to produce [0.3] inscribed coins [1.6] there's a mystery here though [1.4] because some coins produced by Tasciovanus [0.9] have another [0.3] set of letters [0.5] on the reverse C- [0. 2] A- [0.3] M [0.9] which can only stand for [0.3] Camulodunum [1.4] modern [0. 2] Colchester [1.4] Camulodunum [2.3] was the capital of the Trinovantes [1.5] so according to the traditional [0.2] interpretation [1.9] this particular issue of coins bearing the letters C-A-M [0.8] which is a rare ed-, [0.5] er [0. 2] edition of coins it's a rare edition [1.2] suggesting that not very many were produced [0.4] which itself suggests [0.2] a short period [0.4] of issue [0.5] the [0.4] traditional interpretation [0.3] is that at some stage [1.5] the Catuvellauni [0.2] under Tasciovanus [0.2] overran [0.2] the Trinovantes [0. 7] took over their capital [0.8] and as a sign of the takeover Tasciovanus [0. 3] began [0.2] minting coins [0.4] from [0.2] the Trinovantine [0.2] capital [4.4] when might this have happened [2.6] well at what stage [0.2] in [0.4] Romano-British relations [0.8] could a takeover have happened [0.7] that was immediately abandoned because of some threat [0.4] from Rome [1.2] and again the traditional date for this is round about sixteen B-C [0.9] when [1.2] A [1.4] Rome [0.2] was [0.2] diverted [1.0] in its er [0.3] attention [0.9] by [0.6] difference elsewhere in the empire [0. 9] and then the presence [0.3] of the emperor Augustus personally [0.4] in Gaul shortly afterwards [8.9] other evidence that has usually been [0.2] brought out [0.5] as sign of p-, a sign of power struggle [0.3] is the dichotomy the change between rex on some coins [0.3] and rico or [0.2] rigo [0.8] on others [1.3] does the [0.2] use of [0.2] a Celtic [0.5] title for king [0.4] suggest a [0.2] more [0.3] British oriented [0.4] and therefore anti-Roman [0.9] view of things [0.2] whereas rex emphasized the Roman connection [0.5] we don't know [1.6] later on [0.3] we find coins issued [0.2] by [0.4] Verica [0.2] and i've got a few slides that might show this later on [0.8] which have as their motif on them [0.4] a vine leaf [0.9] now the vine is [0.3] not a native plant to this country [0.7] and [0.5] at this particular period of ancient history it is very unlikely that there were any vines whatsoever [0.5] within [0.5] Britain at all [1.2] so why does [0.2] Verica [0.3] choose to put a vine leaf [0.6] and the title rex [0.5] on his coins [1.3] is there anything [1.2] that one can say from the fact that [0.4] the coins of the Catuvellauni [0.2] their neighbours to the north who were traditionally regarded as imperialistic [0.4] and pressurizing [0.5] the [0.2] er Atrebates [1.1] put an ear [0.2] of [0.5] barley [1.0] on their [0.8] er coins [1.2] is this again [0.4] an element of emphasizing [0.4] the British aspect [0.3] as opposed to the Mediterranean motif [0.6] of the Atrebates [1.2] we can't [0.2] really say we note [0.4] what is there [0.5] but the interpretation [0.4] is something of a mystery [4.8] at some stage [2.2] Tasciovanus of the Catuvellauni was himself [0.2] replaced succeeded [0.4] by [0.2] a new character Cunobelinus [0.2] the Cymbeline of Shakespeare [2.7] an important figure [0.5] one of our sources [0.5] Suetonius for instance calls him [0.4] King of the Britons [0.6] which suggests that he has [0.6] control of a number of tribal areas [4.0] he too [2.0] begins issuing coins [0.2] with those letters C-A-M [0.9] on them [0.7] Camulodunum [2.1] and this is a [0. 2] long period of issue [1.6] so do we take it [0.4] that there has been [1.8] takeover a military takeover once again [0.4] of Trinovantine territory [1.6] if this is the case [1.2] is there a date that one can use [1.0] to pinpoint it [1.6] at what stage might Roman [1.1] attention [0.2] be diverted away from Britain [1.3] the traditionally [0.3] suggested date is A-D nine [0.8] when Rome [0.3] suffered [0.5] a tremendous disaster [1.3] on [0.7] the Rhine [3.0] in an attempt to shorten the overall frontier of of the empire [0.6] Augustus had sought to push [0.8] eastwards from the Rhine to a new line at the Elbe [0. 9] this would cut out in fact [0.4] a rather troublesome kink [0.7] in [0.6] the [0.8] northern frontier of the Roman empire caused by the [0.4] almost confluence [0.3] of the sources [0.3] of the Rhine [0.5] and the Danube [2.3] it was a failure as a policy [2.3] in the great [0.5] German [0.5] er [2.0] forest of Teutoburger Wald [1.2] Varus at the head of three legions [0.7] was [0.2] pretty well [0.2] annihilated [1.6] and it was a tremendous shock [0.3] to Roman morale [1.9] in fact you've probably heard about the [0.5] story of Augustus [0. 3] wandering [0.7] in a state of dismay [0.2] round his palace [0.5] for years afterwards saying Varus Varus give me back my legions [0.6] the thought of the the loss of [0.4] over eighteen-thousand men [2.5] and that could well have been the signal [0.8] for [0.6] any [1.6] er Catuvellaunian takeover [0.3] of Trinovantine territory [0.4] if [0.4] it happened [0.8] and if [0.6] what we're seeing is not simply [0.6] a merging together [0.6] of two tribes [2.4] on the level of [1.0] interstate [0.2] relations then we have [0.8] a number of possible [0.4] scenarios to look at [0.7] on an economic level [1.1] relations between the continent [0.4] the Roman empire that is [0.4] and Britain [1.6] were going [0.6] from good [0.3] to better [1.6] there is plenty of evidence [0. 7] of [0.3] massive imports [0.2] of [0.3] gold luxury goods [0.4] into Britain [0.4] throughout this period [1.3] we hear of some of them [0.6] we find others [0.2] in archaeological contexts [4.8] the number of [0.7] wine amphoras [1.0] that are found [0.2] either in a broken state [0.5] or intact [0.2] because they'd been preserved within high status graves [1.5] suggests [0.7] a [0.3] large scale import of things like wine [0.7] in order to [0.3] quench the thirst [0.4] of the upper echelons of native British society [1.1] the same is true of [0.6] fine pieces [0.2] of [0.2] pottery [1.0] and silverware [2.0] again [0.4] these come out of [0.2] native graves of the period [0.6] and are well preserved [2.1] what Britain gave to the continent gave to the Roman empire [0.6] is best exemplified [0.4] from people [0.4] like Strabo [1.0] who lists [0.2] items like [0.4] corn [0.5] cattle [1.1] gold silver [2.6] these would be the normal things that you would exchange [0.7] for [0.5] the er [0.2] luxury goods of the empire the gold and silver in the form of coins [0.5] and it's surprising how much [0.5] er reliance [0.6] native British society placed upon [0.5] gold coinage [1.7] but also things like slaves [0.8] and slaves itself suggests a an intertribal [1.0] element of strife [0.2] because where would the slaves come from [0.2] except [0.5] prisoners of war [1.8] and [1.2] hunting dogs [3.0] for which the Romans always had [0.7] an element [0.4] of admiration [0.5] British hunting dogs [0.5] er were almost as good [0.4] as the famed Molossians [0.4] from the Balkans nm0051: now if [0.3] the [1.4] Catuvellauni did take over the Trinovantes by an armed [0.2] intervention [1.5] this brought no reaction from Rome so far as we can tell [2.0] the evidence all the evidence suggests a long term [0.6] involvement by that tribe [0.5] within Trinovantine territory [1.0] and if it if it wasn't er an armed [0.5] invasion [1.4] then [0. 3] we can say that Cunobelinus was able [0.2] by diplomacy [0.7] to prevent [1. 1] a Roman [1.2] invasion [0.4] to restore Trinovantes [1.3] and a way perhaps of doing this was to show that [0.3] although they'd taken over [0.4] the the basic situation in Britain [0.3] was in fact [0.6] no worse [0.4] no better [0. 8] no different [2.8] that [0.4] even then [0.7] Britain posed no threat [0.4] to [0.8] the continental empire [2.2] but things were not to stay like that for ever [5.5] in A-D thirty-seven [0.5] Augustus' successor Tiberius who had always had a policy of non-involvement [0.5] beyond the established confines [0. 3] of [0.4] Augustus' [0.2] empire [1.9] Tiberius died [0.4] and was succeeded [0.6] by [0.2] Gaius Caligula [0.7] of ill repute [2.0] now [0.4] Gaius Caligula has come down to us [0.3] through the writings of people like Suetonius [2.3] as [1.5] an insane monster [2.5] there is nothing good that [0. 9] ancient writers [0.4] have to say [0.4] about him [1.3] if you [0.5] remember back [0.6] to the depiction [0.5] that you got in I Claudius you can see why [3. 3] in A-D thirty-nine [1.8] Caligula was engaged in a campaign [0.2] in Germany [1.3] when he was visited [0.3] by another [1.6] refugee from Britain [0.8] a young [0.8] er [0.9] prince called Adminius [3.8] and we're told that he was driven out of Britain by his [0.4] father [0.4] Cunobelinus [1.2] now there is a small issue [0.4] of coins [1.1] er from northern Kent [1.6] that [0.4] were produced by somebody called Aminius [1.5] and it's tempting [0.5] to [0.4] equate these two people [0.2] for there's only a [0.2] one letter difference [1. 0] and to see [0.2] Adminius or Aminius established in northern Kent [0.3] by Cunobelinus [0.4] but then falling out with his father [0.3] and being forced from Britain altogether [0.4] onto the continent [0.6] this was enough to persuade Caligula [0.6] that an expedition [0.4] to Britain [1.5] was something [0.2] that warranted [0.4] his special [0.3] attention [0.5] after all there was a lot of [0.7] er kudos [0.2] to be gained [0.6] from such an expedition [1. 3] at this point though [0.9] the account [0.2] that is left to us [0.8] by Suetonius [0.4] and later [0.4] by Dio Cassius who was obviously sitting embroidering [0.5] upon [0.5] er Suetonius [0.8] er comes to the fore [1.4] various attempts have been [0.2] made to try to [1.5] rationalize and explain [0.4] the utter fiasco that took [0.7] place [0.4] on the shore [0.7] of Gaul [0.6] prior [0.4] to [0.4] what turned out to be an aborted [0.3] expedition [1.9] but i think any attempt to [0.6] produce [0.4] a rational [0.2] explanation [1.6] really founders upon the fact that there was [0.4] there is no evidence [0.5] for [0.4] any support [0.3] of such rationality [1.8] Suetonius tells us that er he arrived at the camp where all the troops [0.3] were gathered [2.5] didn't like what he found [1.3] went on the rampage sacked people left right and centre [5.0] then ordered [0.3] that his [0.4] artillery his bal-, ballistas be drawn up into position [1.3] all his men should be ready to embark and then suddenly [1.4] he ordered them to fill their helmets and the folds of their tunics [1.4] with seashells [2.2] calling them spoils from ocean [0.5] owed to the Capitol and Palatine [1.3] and then as a monument to his victory over ocean that is [0.3] he erected a very high tower from which fires were to shine out at night [0.4] to guide the passage of ships in other words [0.7] a er [0.4] a pharos like the one [0.3] at ank-, er Alexandria [0.9] a lighthouse [1.8] Dio Cassius makes the story even more ridiculous [1.8] he has Caligula embark on a trireme [1.1] putting out to sea [0.2] a little bit [0.3] then he sailed back [0.9] then he took his [0.2] position on a high platform [0.8] gave the soldiers a signal as if for battle and urged them on by means of trumpeters [0.7] then suddenly he ordered them to gather seashells and having got these spoils [0.2] for it was clear he needed booty for his triumphal procession [0.4] he became very excited [0.3] as though he'd enslaved ocean itself [1.9] well [1.9] how does one rationalize this one could say it's not to be rationalized Caligula was mad [1. 1] and there are various other [0.6] bits of evidence which suggest that Caligula was mad for instance er according to Suetonius he was standing beside the [0.4] great statue of Jupiter in the temple of Capitoline Jupiter and asked people who was the greater [0.8] and of course [0.2] you always gave the right answer [1.6] there's that scandalous [0.2] story [0.7] which will probably have some of you fainting [0.5] of him [0.2] having got [0.3] his sister pregnant [1.1] er and then conducted [0.6] a Caesarean abortion [0.6] and ate the foetus [1.6] er because he thought that he was a god [0.5] and this is what Cronos [0.2] one of the pre-Zeus gods actually did [2.4] so all the evidence that comes out of this [0.3] suggests er an insane monster [0.8] and this is the kind of behaviour you would expect [0.6] from [0.5] somebody who was [0.3] not quite firing on all four cylinders [1.9] others though have suggested [0.2] that [1.0] the troops [0.4] gathered at [1.0] the coast [0.2] of [0.4] northern Gaul principally at Boulogne [1.0] didn't want to go across the channel [1.2] it [0.4] but Britain was still regarded [0.4] as a place of mystery [1.1] of unknown dangers and potential [0.5] of all [0.2] the stories filtered down [0.8] for the best part of [0.2] eighty to ninety years [0.6] from the time of Julius Caesar why go on [0.2] was there a mutiny [1.0] and was the [0.3] victory over ocean [0.4] exemplified by picking up seashells [0.6] his way [0.4] of [0.9] er [0.6] shaming them [2.4] others have suggested that seashells [0.4] doesn't mean seashells in Latin it means [0.2] sappers' huts [1.0] that he simply abandoned the expedition and told them to [0. 2] dismantle [0.4] the huts on the shore [0.3] and went off [0.2] we don't know [0.9] all we have [0.2] is the evidence [0.3] of people like Suetonius [0.7] and er [1.8] Dio Cassius [3.0] in A-D forty-one [0.3] Rome tired [0.7] of Caligula four years of him was quite enough [1.0] and er if [2.1] don't mind the pun [0.4] he had a very bad attack of iron poisoning [0.6] caused by a lot of swords stuck in [0.6] all at once [0.6] and that was the end of him [0.5] thank goodness the Rome [0.2] that Rome was able to [0.8] heave a sigh of relief [0.5] but this [0.8] er [1.4] unplanned change [0.6] in [0.7] succession [0.6] created its own problem [0.8] who was to succeed [2.0] the suddenness [0. 2] had some people suggesting that the republic should be restored [1.1] but [0. 2] the republic was now a vague memory [0.6] the whole system [0.3] of imperial government had shifted away from it [0.9] those [0.7] who [0.5] were historians and remembered the republic [0.4] remembered [0.5] an age [0.2] of er [0.5] civil war [3.5] the imperial family [0.6] had not been particularly fortunate [0.3] in producing a lot of surviving [0.4] offspring [2. 1] and this is where [0.8] a collateral branch [0.4] comes on the scene [0.6] the famous episode of [0.5] poor old Uncle Claudius [0.5] being found hiding behind a curtain [0.7] by members of the Praetorian Guard the imperial bodyguard [1.2] of him being taken off to their camp outside Rome [0.2] and hailed as emperor [0.5] thereafter [0.3] foisted [0.3] upon the senate [0.6] who [0.3] without forces of their own had no choice [0.5] but to [0.2] accede [2.4] that change [0.2] of [2.5] government [0.8] the accession [0.3] of Claudius was in fact to bring in [0.4] one of the [0.3] major [0.4] changes of policy as well [3.5] it seems to have coincided [0.2] give or take a year or two [0.6] with the arrival within Rome of another refugee [1.7] a man that our sources [0.9] writing in Greek [0.9] give the name [0.8] of [1.1] Berikos [1.0] who i've given up here [0.4] and that name [0.3] is usually interpreted as the Greek form [0.3] of Verica [0.7] Verica [0.3] King [0.4] of the Atrebates of Hampshire [2.2] we're also told [0.7] that Britain at this period [2.2] was in tumult [1.4] as a result [0.4] of [0.2] Roman failure [0.7] to return to the island [0.7] a number [0.4] of [0.7] refugees [8.7] and undoubtedly [0.4] Verica or Berikos [0.4] would have been one of these [2.1] you'll find this on page forty-five [0.4] of the source book [2.2] er [0.9] Aulus Plautius who was er [0.2] to be [0.4] Claudius' [0.2] general of the expedition [0.7] made a campaign to Britain since a certain Berikos [0.3] who had been driven out of the island as a result of an up-, [0.2] uprising [0.3] had persuaded Claudius to send a force there [0.7] so Berikos [0.5] ostensibly [1.2] according to our sources and it's Dio Cassius who's fairly late but perhaps [0.4] to be believed [1.9] was one element [0.2] suggesting [0.2] that Claudius might invade Britain there were other [0.8] things coming together [0. 2] at this same time [1.3] which would [0.3] lead to [0.4] that expedition [0. 3] into Britain [0.4] and what were these [1.0] well first of all i've already mentioned that there's a shortage [0.3] of [1.1] dynastic links [2.2] essentially [0.4] the Julian line [0.3] the Julian family [2.2] as rulers of Rome [0.4] established by Julius Caesar [0.5] died with Gaius Caligula [0.7] Claudius [0.7] was related to the royal family [1.7] but not di-, directly [0. 2] through a blood link [2.4] his line goes back in fact to the empress Livia [0.9] Augustus' wife [1.2] by children that she had had [0.7] as a result of a previous marriage [0.7] so there's a collateral line [0.3] so Claudius doesn't have the immediate kudos [0.7] of being of the Julian line [0.9] direct [0.2] descendance [0.4] even if that's a bit of a fiction [0.6] of er [1.2] Julius Caesar himself [1.9] secondly [0.2] there was the personality of Claudius himself [1.7] from birth Claudius had been something of a physical wreck [2.1] he [0.3] limped [1.4] probably as the result of a [0.6] of a type of infantile polio [1.8] he stammered [0.6] very badly especially when he was nervous [0.9] he had a nervous [0.2] tic [0.2] which caused his [0.2] head [0. 5] to flick [0.4] every now and again [1.8] and [0.7] he had a tongue [0.2] which we're told was [0.3] too large for his mouth [0.4] protruded [0.5] and caused him to dribble [1.3] he was given to epileptic fits on occasion [4.0] and he had a head [0.4] perched on the top of a very long neck [0.5] so he was something akin to an ostrich [1.0] and if [0.2] the representations of him especially the [0.3] bronze representation that was fished out of from the British rivers [0.5] is anything to go by [0.4] he had [0.8] er [1.7] jug [0.3] handle [0.2] ears [0.2] very protruding ears [0.2] so he's not [0.2] the Hollywood picture [0.8] of [0.4] a great [0.5] Roman emperor [3.3] as a result of this [0.2] he'd spent virtually the whole of his life in seclusion [0.6] as an imperial joke [0.8] and an embarrassment [0.3] you can well understand why [0.5] the few times [0.2] according to Suetonius that he was trundled out [0.3] in order to make a public appearance [0.4] and [0.2] to be installed even [0.6] theoretically [0.2] in some kind of official [0.5] capacity [0.8] the whole thing fell to pieces because he'd either have an epileptic fit or he couldn't [0.2] manage the words [4.2] so [1.9] he was an [0.2] an unprepossessing figure as emperor [1.6] because he'd been kept in seclusion he'd never [0.5] had any experience [0.4] of military [0.3] life [1.3] and Roman [0.8] emperors were not simply [0.7] figurehead [0.6] civil [2.7] quasi-kings [2.6] each one who had sat upon the throne [0.6] had felt it incumbent upon himself [0.4] to [0.2] establish [0.2] a military [0.5] prowess [0.3] now this was easy enough for Julius Caesar because [0.4] by the time he became dictator of Rome [0.4] he had a long history [0.6] of military activity [0.2] behind him [1.7] his successor Octavian and then there was Augustus [0.9] did the same [0.3] not only did he [0.8] come out victorious against [0.4] his [0.3] rival [0.3] from imperial honours [0.7] er Mark Antony [1.5] but he was also [0.5] engaged in a number [0.3] of campaigns [0.6] his successor Tiberius [0.5] was in his youth [0.3] a prominent [0.3] military [0. 2] figure [0.3] a prominent general and a successful one [1.2] Gaius Caligula [1.3] er [0.7] well Gaius Caligula had to rely upon the fact that his father [0. 6] was an extremely successful [0.4] Roman [0.5] general [0.9] his father Germanicus [0.3] brother to [0.2] Tiberius [1.8] none of that [0.3] was applicable [0.5] to [0.3] Claudius [0.3] yet Roman [0.3] emperors [0.2] were equated with [1.4] military success [3.4] Claudius [0.2] was the choice [0.3] of the Praetorian Guard [2.2] they made him [1.2] Claudius probably realized that they could just as easily [0.3] unmake him [1.1] and probably more quickly [1.0] via well a well aimed knife [2.1] so [0.7] from the point of view of sheer survival [0.7] Claudius [0.2] really had to [0.4] prove himself [1.8] a worthy successor [0.8] to the great military figures [0.4] who had gone before him [2. 6] and what better way [0.5] to do that [2.4] than to go beyond the achievements [0.4] of the [0.5] founder of the dynasty [0.4] Julius Caesar himself [0.6] who had invaded Britain on two occasions but had not conquered it [0.5] if Claudius could now invade Britain and [0.2] conquer it [0.6] that would link him directly [0.6] with [0.4] somebody like Julius Caesar [0.9] and would take him [0.6] into an altogether different [0.5] echelon [0.2] from the point of [0.8] of er [1.4] standing within [0.4] Rome [2.4] there were other things that [0.2] suggested [0.7] an expedition to Britain would make sense [3. 6] Gaius Caligula's expeditions [0.3] onto the Rhine frontier [0.7] had [1.7] produced two new legions which were stationed there [1.9] this meant [0.4] that the Rhine frontier was now the [0.2] most heavily defended frontier of the whole empire [1.1] and that Claudius probably realized that where there was a concentration of troops there was also a concentration of power [1.8] all emperors realized that the true [0.8] source of their power [0.7] was not with the senate [0.3] but arc-, actually with the Roman army [0.8] this is why they were all very careful to keep the army [0.5] happy [0.7] and employed [0.2] idle hands [0.3] start [0.2] hatching plots [2.4] so the Rhine army is overmanned [0.7] what can you do about it he couldn't simply dissolve those two extra legions that Gaius ci-, [0.2] Caligula [0.6] had er [0.7] had created that [0.3] dissolving a legion [0.4] cashiering it [0.2] was a mark of disgrace wouldn't do that [1.3] but move legions into Britain [0.6] as a an occupying force [0.7] did make sense [0.8] they would be cut off by the channel [0.6] they would have quite enough [0.5] on their hands [0.5] to keep them busy [0.3] and out of any thoughts of creating trouble [2.0] additionally Britain [0.7] who had been made to pay [0.5] for that occupying [0. 2] power [0.7] leave them on the continent [0.5] and the empire as it [0.2] is currently [0.9] er established [0.2] has to pay [0.5] expand the empire slightly [0.3] and [0.2] the new opened areas [0.3] themselves have to pay [1. 9] there was also the fact that Gaius Caligula had been very very [0.3] profligate in spending money [2.1] and the treasury [0.6] was somewhat bare [0. 8] Britain [1.2] offered [1.1] by the time that we get to the forties A-D [1.3] a better prospect [0.3] of producing a profit for the Roman empire [0.5] than had been the case [0.7] in Julius Caesar's day [2.7] Britain also of course [0.4] offered the potential of a pool of manpower [0.4] Rome was always on the lookout for new [0.7] sources of manpower [0.2] especially for providing auxiliary troops in the army [2.0] so there were a lot of things within Britain [0.7] that [0.4] made sense [0.7] for anybody looking around [0.5] for military activity [1.2] there was also one other factor [0.2] that i want to bring out before we end today [1.2] and that is a [1.2] a religious factor [0.5] and also a sociological factor [0.7] and this comes down to the Druids [1.4] we know from our sources that Britain was the centre of [0.9] well Druidism in inverted comma [0.6] because what Druidism [0.3] was we really don't know we know that there were Druids [2.2] well let's say that there was the Druid problem [1.1] now the Druids [0.4] were [0.2] a pagan [1.3] priesthood [1.0] which would normally have been [0.3] perfectly [0.4] easily accommodated [0.4] within [0.2] the pantheon [0.4] of [0.2] Rome [0.6] the one thing that the Druids did that the Romans didn't particularly like [0.5] was [0.3] human sacrifice and we'll come back to this when i [0.3] talk about [0.5] religion [1.6] because human sacrifice was [1.1] tantamount to murder it was murder in Roman law [0.2] and was therefore illegal [1.3] er [1.6] Roman emperors in the past had tried to [0.7] er mitigate [0.9] the worst effects the worst behaviour of the Druids [0.5] in their continental [0.4] of all the Celts [0.3] in Gaul for instance [2.2] but Claudius seems to have set his sights upon [0.7] getting rid of human sacrifice altogether [0.4] and the only way that he could do this was [0.3] to overcome the problem [0.5] in its s-, at its centre [0.4] within Britain itself [0.7] so the message today is that though we have problems [0.5] in establishing some kind of [0.4] viable [0.7] er history [1.1] for the period between the departure of [1.0] s-, [0.2] Julius Caesar [0.4] and the advent [0.4] of the Claudian invasion [0.5] but our [0.2] evidence [0.9] is thin on the ground [1.1] and the [0.8] recent interpretation or reinterpretation of that ed-, for that [0.2] evidence [0.3] creates problems for us [0.3] in seeing movements and developments [0.3] within Britain [2.8] when we come to Claudius we see the convergence [0.4] of a number of factors [0. 6] which all point [0.6] to the advantage for the emperor [0.6] of [0.9] physical [0.4] military intervention [0.4] by Rome [0.4] into Britain [0.6] and what [0.4] form that military intervention took [0.6] we'll deal with tomorrow